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2.21 MB

Extraction Summary

3
People
3
Organizations
13
Locations
2
Events
0
Relationships
2
Quotes

Document Information

Type: Report/book chapter (political science)
File Size: 2.21 MB
Summary

This document is a page from a report titled 'BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY,' specifically Chapter 1, 'Validating Autocracy through the Ballot.' It analyzes how modern authoritarian regimes use elections to maintain legitimacy compared to traditional dictatorships, citing examples from the Soviet bloc and Latin America. The document bears a 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' Bates stamp, suggesting it was part of a document production for a congressional investigation, though the text itself contains no direct references to Jeffrey Epstein or his associates.

People (3)

Name Role Context
Hugo Chávez Quote Source/Former Leader
Quoted in sidebar claiming Venezuela has democracy despite imperfections.
Alyaksandr Lukashenka Quote Source/President
Quoted in sidebar admitting to falsifying election results to lower his percentage to appear more 'European'.
Augusto Pinochet Dictator (Chile)
Mentioned regarding his stunning setback in a referendum on his dictatorship.

Organizations (3)

Name Type Context
Communist Party
Mentioned in context of Soviet bloc elections and 1990 local elections.
Freedom in the World
Cited for 2015 statistics on electoral democracies.
House Oversight Committee
Implied by the Bates stamp 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019244'.

Timeline (2 events)

1990
Local elections in Soviet cities
Soviet cities
Communist Party stalwarts
2015
Freedom in the World report assessment
Global

Locations (13)

Location Context
Mentioned regarding historical sham elections.
Mentioned as a country where opposition parties swept to victory.
Mentioned as a country where opposition parties swept to victory.
Mentioned as a country where opposition parties swept to victory.
Mentioned as a country where opposition parties swept to victory.
Mentioned as a country where opposition parties swept to victory.
Mentioned regarding the stunning rejection of the ruling party.
Mentioned regarding the referendum on Pinochet.
Mentioned regarding 'political technologists' and leadership invoking poll victories.
Mentioned as having counterparts to Russian political technologists.
Mentioned as the only country in the study rejecting elections for political control.
Mentioned regarding leadership invoking poll victories.
Mentioned regarding leadership invoking poll victories.

Key Quotes (2)

"We're not perfect. But we do have democracy. —Hugo Chávez"
Source
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019244.jpg
Quote #1
"Yes, we falsified the last election.... In fact, 93.5 percent [of ballots were] for President Lukashenka. People say this is not a European result, so we changed it to 86 percent. —Alyaksandr Lukashenka"
Source
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019244.jpg
Quote #2

Full Extracted Text

Complete text extracted from the document (4,348 characters)

BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
Chapter 1
Validating Autocracy through the Ballot
A major difference between modern authoritarian systems and traditional dictatorships lies in the role of elections for parliament and head of state.
Twentieth-century dictatorships often dispensed with elections entirely or conducted them under blatantly fraudulent conditions. In the Soviet bloc, elections were a pointless ritual in which citizens were pressured to go to a polling place and cast ballots for the Communist Party candidate, the only one permitted to compete. Military and postcolonial dictatorships often canceled elections on spurious "national emergency" grounds, or rigged the outcome through crude ballot-stuffing and open intimidation.
At a certain point in the 1980s, however, the strongmen, juntas, and revolutionary councils of the era realized that reasonably fair elections could no longer be avoided. Sometimes a ruling group understood that this would likely lead to an opposition victory. But usually, the incumbent leaders—and often foreign journalists and diplomats—presumed that voters in repressive settings preferred stability to uncertainty and would opt for the reassuring faces of authority.
These calculations proved wildly misplaced. Opposition parties swept to victory in country after country—in Uruguay, Argentina, Nicaragua, South Korea, the Philippines, Poland. The word "stunning" made a frequent appearance in news accounts, as in the stunning rejection of the ruling party in Poland, or the stunning setback suffered by Chile's Augusto Pinochet in a referendum on the continuation of his dictatorship. Or, perhaps most astonishing, the stunning defeat of Communist Party stalwarts in a number of Soviet cities in 1990 local elections.¹
Elections became a key force behind the wave of democratization that engulfed much of the world during that decade. Today, the obligation to hold some form of multiparty balloting is felt by nearly all governments.
The illusion of pluralism
Yet just as with other democratic institutions, modern authoritarians have mastered the techniques of control over the electoral process, maintaining political dominance behind a screen of false diversity.
They have adapted in many ways to the age of the inter-
[Sidebar Quote 1]
"We're not perfect. But we do have democracy."
—Hugo Chávez
[Sidebar Quote 2]
"Yes, we falsified the last election.... In fact, 93.5 percent [of ballots were] for President Lukashenka. People say this is not a European result, so we changed it to 86 percent."
—Alyaksandr Lukashenka
[Column 2]
net and the expectations of a better-informed public. In the most sophisticated authoritarian states, professional political operatives—in Russia they are called "political technologists"—work just as hard as their counterparts in the United States. Their goal, however, is not to defeat opposition candidates in a competitive setting, but rather to organize a system that creates the illusion of competition while squelching it in reality.
In most countries, elections are largely "free and fair," meaning the playing field is reasonably level, there is an honest tabulation of the ballots, vote buying and ballot stuffing do not change the outcome, and independent election observers are allowed to monitor the proceedings. For 2015, Freedom in the World placed the number of electoral democracies at 125, around 64 percent of the world's sovereign states.² By historical standards, this is an impressive figure. Still, there are 70 countries that do not qualify as electoral democracies. In all but a few of these settings, elections are indeed held, but they are either badly flawed or patently dishonest.
Yet even in systems where elections are tainted or fixed outright, authoritarian leaders often claim legitimacy from the ballot box. Of the countries assessed in this study, only China rejects elections as part of the leadership's strategy for political control. In Russia, Turkey, Venezuela, and elsewhere, the leadership invokes victory at the polls as a mandate for government, including the adoption of policies that are in fact deeply unpopular.
In some authoritarian states, elections are neither free nor fair, with heavy manipulation that directly ensures
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