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that acute loneliness, just like acute physical pain, serves an important biological function for our species. Being aware of how loneliness fits into our remarkable achievements as a social species and what loneliness does to our social cognition and behavior can help us better understand the actions of others toward us. Third, to the extent that desperation for social connections leads chronically lonely individuals to misguidedly vest their interest in those who are unlikely to meet their relationship needs, they may need to learn how to be selective and choose friends and groups with whom reciprocally rewarding relationships can be expected. This decision is critical to success. Research indicates that the people with whom we are most likely to form positive, lasting relationships are those who have similar attitudes, beliefs, values, interests, and activities to our own. Therefore, people should not seek friendships based on physical appearance, status, popularity, or convenience, but rather on attitudes, beliefs, values, and behaviors. Finally, because chronically lonely people expect to be disappointed with themselves and others in their relationships, they may benefit from training and practice in taking a more optimistic perspective, in expecting the best from themselves and from others. We play a much more important role in shaping our social environment than we often realize.

Although no intervention to date has incorporated all of these elements, at least one randomized trial has demonstrated that an intervention based upon volunteerism (Experience Corps) can increase social activity in older adults (19). In this trial, older adults are paired with grade-school children and dedicate at least fifteen hours per week throughout the school year to assist the teachers in supporting and encouraging children in reading, writing, and mathematics. This strategy engages at least two of the principles that emerged out of Cacioppo and Patrick’s theoretical framework (5)—the provision of a “safe” venue for making social connections (i.e., the classroom of non-threatening children), and the shifting of older adults’ attention away from their own concerns and toward the needs of someone else. In addition, this strategy capitalizes on Erikson’s notion of generativity (i.e., helping future generations) (20). Interventions of this form deserve further assessment (21).

Conclusion

We began this chapter by noting that loneliness is not uncommon and, although unpleasant, may prompt individuals to attend to and repair their social connections. Loneliness affects cognition as well as well-being, however, and when loneliness persists it is a risk factor for myriad health problems. Previous reviewers have suggested that loneliness can be reduced through interventions that emphasize social skills development and group-based activities. By quantitatively analyzing twenty-two well-designed studies, we found no evidence that these strategies were any more effective in reducing loneliness than increasing social opportunities or social support, or modifying maladaptive social cognitions, whether in a group or individual context. A larger number of intervention studies may be needed to determine the relative efficacy of these intervention strategies. In the interim, it is clear from this review that global impressions and intuitions will not suffice when trying to reduce loneliness. Future interventions should

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