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have password access to these files, since he was still as a trainee, he managed to acquire the
necessary passwords from others working there. It could also account for why the documents he
copied that pertained to NSA operations in Russia were not among those he gave to Poitras,
Greenwald and other journalists. Since Russia has an active intelligence sharing treaty with China
since 1996, it could further explain why his first stop was Hong Kong, a part of China. It was a
safe venue for debriefing Snowden, as well as establishing his credentials among journalists as a
whistle-blower, before a decision was made to allow him to proceed to Russia.

The nearly fatal problem with this early-recruitment scenario is Snowden contacts with
journalists. Snowden, it will be recalled, had contacted Greenwald in December 2012.
Greenwald was a high-profile blogger in Brazil who did not use encryption or any security
safeguards. Next, he contacted Poitras in January 2013 in Berlin who was a magnet for NSA
dissidents. Both of these contacts put Snowden’s clandestine downloading at grave risk. As
known opponents of US intelligence agencies, these journalists might be, as they themselves
suspected they were, under surveillance by American, British, Brazilian or German intelligence
services. Greenwald and Poitras might also tell others who were either under surveillance or
informers. So no matter what precaution Snowden took, his secret enterprise, or just the fact he
was in contact with anti-government activists might be detected. At minimum, he could lose his
access to secrets and be of no further use as a source at the NSA. He could also be interrogated
and reveal the way he was brought under control. If Snowden actually had been under the
control of the Russian intelligence service, the last thing it would allow was for him to take such a
risk—or even to contact a single journalist. After all, the purpose of an espionage operation is to
steal secrets without alerting anyone, including journalists, to the theft. A former CIA officer
told me that while anything could “go haywire: in an intelligence operation, it would be
“unthinkable” that the Russian intelligence service would permit a source it controlled in the NSA
to expose himself by contacting journalists. It was, as he put it, a “lose-lose move.” Assuming
that the operation did not “go haywire,” Snowden’s continued interactions with Poitras and
Greenwald made it implausible to me that Snowden was under Russian control before he went to
Hong Kong.

The Hong Kong Scenario

The second possibility is that Snowden was brought under Russian control while he was in
Hong Kong. The most compelling support for this scenario comes from Putin himself, His
disclosure about the case leaves little doubt that Russian officials engaged Snowden in Hong
Kong, that Putin authorized his trip to Moscow while he was in Hong Kong and the Russian
government allowed him to fly to Moscow without a Russian visa. We also know that Snowden
indicated to Gellman he was in touch with a foreign embassy and that he met with Russian
diplomats in Hong Kong. We know from US surveillance of his activities in Hong Kong that he
contacted the Russian consulate. And we know that the Russians went to some lengths to
facilitate his trip to Moscow. All these pieces in the Hong Kong scenario support the possibility

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