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of China); the China Working Group (led by members supportive of closer engagement
with China); and the Senate China Working Group (led by members supportive of closer
relations). Earlier legislation had established the Congressional-Executive Commission
on China, focused on human rights conditions in China (a perennial negative aspect
in US-China relations), and the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission,
which was known for its annual report listing a variety of developments in China seen
as adverse to US interests and values. While the latter two commissions continue to be
active, are robust, and have growing impact, many of the other exchange mechanisms
have proven less than durable. Once the leading members who founded such groups leave
Congress, interest usually wanes. The National People's Congress became even more active
in supporting the growing number of congressional staff delegations to China during
this period. In 2018, the House China Working Group remained active, but the House
Congressional China Caucus and the Senate China Working Group were inactive.

Most recently, the 115th Congress has actively embraced the Trump administration's view
that China has benefited more from the bilateral relationship than has the United States.
In fact, amidst all the partisan warfare currently dividing Republicans and Democrats in
Washington, a skepticism about China's intentions and reliability and a willingness to
push back in a bipartisan manner against its un-reciprocal, and sometimes even predatory,
policies, is one of the most surprising phenomena. In 2018, for example, the Congress
unanimously passed the Taiwan Travel Act, which encourages the Trump administration to
host more high-ranking officials from Taiwan, a move that angered Beijing. Still, Congress is
hardly united, even on trade. Some members have objected to the adverse impacts punitive
tariffs are having on their constituencies, or they have opposed imposing tariffs on allies
at the same time tariffs are imposed on China. And some members criticized President
Trump's decision in May 2018 to ease harsh sanctions against the prominent Chinese
high-technology firm ZTE, in response to a personal plea from the Chinese president.
Nevertheless, President Trump's dominance in the Republican Party means that few in the
Republican ranks controlling Congress are inclined to oppose him, especially on China.
Indeed, Congress is generally endorsing the most significant reevaluation of American-
China policy since the start of normalization fifty years ago. As such, it can be said that
Chinese influence on Capitol Hill has reached a low point.

Conclusion and Recommendations

Congress is in the midst of a major reevaluation of the very assumptions underlying
the decades-old American policy of "engagement" with China. Because of this increasingly
competitive, even adversarial, new climate, Chinese influence and information operations
are widely coming to be seen as expressions of a political system whose values are
antithetical to those of the United States and as a threat to the integrity of Congress and
our democracy. Arguing, as many have done as far back as Majority Leader Mike Mansfield,
that Congress should move forward with positive engagement with China while seeking to

Congress
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