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Extraction Summary
6
People
5
Organizations
2
Locations
2
Events
3
Relationships
4
Quotes
Document Information
Type:
Investigative narrative / document produced to house oversight committee
File Size:
Summary
The document appears to be a narrative report or excerpt from a book concerning the Mueller Investigation, produced to the House Oversight Committee. It details the Special Counsel's concerns regarding the President's absolute pardon power, specifically regarding a potential pardon for Michael Flynn in early June. It outlines the legal strategy the Mueller team prepared to argue that pardoning a witness to protect oneself constitutes a corrupt act and obstruction of justice, despite the broad constitutional authority of the pardon power. Note: This document pertains to the Trump/Mueller investigation and does not contain text related to Jeffrey Epstein.
People (6)
| Name | Role | Context |
|---|---|---|
| The President | Subject of investigation |
Investigated for obstruction of justice; holds pardon power.
|
| Special Counsel | Investigator |
Leading the investigation; concerned about pardon powers.
|
| Robert Mueller | Special Counsel |
Referred to as 'the Mueller team'.
|
| Attorney General | Government Official |
Has authority over the Special Counsel's budget.
|
| Michael Flynn | Potential Witness/Target |
Subject of an imminent pardon; focus of the Special Counsel's legal strategy regarding unconstitutional pardons.
|
| White House advisors | Sources |
Present and former advisors providing insight into the President's mindset regarding pardons.
|
Organizations (5)
| Name | Type | Context |
|---|---|---|
| Special Counsel's Office |
Conducting the investigation.
|
|
| Grand Jury |
Taking legal actions preserved even if Counsel is ousted.
|
|
| White House |
Executive branch administration.
|
|
| Congress |
Authority over impeachment.
|
|
| House Oversight Committee |
Recipient of the document (inferred from footer).
|
Timeline (2 events)
Early in June
Special Counsel rushed to build a case regarding the pardon authority believing a Michael Flynn pardon was imminent.
Washington D.C.
July 1
Deadline for the next Special Counsel's budget request.
Washington D.C.
Locations (2)
| Location | Context |
|---|---|
|
Seat of the Executive Branch.
|
|
|
Legislative body handling impeachment.
|
Relationships (3)
President taunting Special Counsel; Counsel investigating President for obstruction.
President considering pardoning Flynn.
AG controls budget approval for Special Counsel.
Key Quotes (4)
"The Counsel's office believes the President will use his pardon power as an instrument to undermine the investigation."Source
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Quote #1
"According to present and former White House advisors, the President's recent spate of pardons are in part his way of taunting the Special Counsel."Source
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030263.jpg
Quote #2
"If you pardon someone to get yourself off the hook, that's a 'corrupt' action."Source
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Quote #3
"The pardon, in the case of Michael Flynn, is, the Mueller team is set to argue, unconstitutional."Source
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Quote #4
Full Extracted Text
Complete text extracted from the document (2,535 characters)
Office and staff would survive the Special Counsel's ouster and their work preserved. And that actions taken by the Grand Jury would remain in effect.
This, however, would probably not be true if the Attorney General refused the next Special Counsel's budget request—due on July 1. That would shut down the whole operation—the Special Counsel staff and grand juries. There might, however, according to research the team has prepared, be enough time between the order and the shuttering for the Special Counsel to share the grand jury evidence with other federal prosecutors, who might act on their own authority to pursue the President.
The President's constitutional pardon powers appear to be some of the most troubling and threatening issues for the Special Counsel. The Counsel's office believes the President will use his pardon power as an instrument to undermine the investigation.
According to present and former White House advisors, the President's recent spate of pardons are in part his way of taunting the Special Counsel. The White House, according to these sources, is aware that the Special Counsel has concluded the President's pardon power is near absolute: the President can certainly pardon himself, and others involved in the investigation.
Early in June, the Special Counsel, believing that a pardon for Michael Flynn was imminent, rushed to build a case that might form an exception to the President's pardon authority. The argument, perhaps a slim-thread one, tries to undermine what both the White House and many outside legal authorities, and much of the Special Counsel's own research, believes to be one of the few unchallengeable powers granted the President. In effect, the Special Counsel continues the theme of it's case: there is a level of obstruction of justice that all reasonable men might know when they see it. If you pardon someone to get yourself off the hook, that's a "corrupt" action. The constitution is not a statute that you might violate, but a larger covenant which you might offend (or, equally, that might protect you). Since the President is in charge of upholding the constitution and much of the constitution is about preventing corrupt acts or abuses of power, the pardon, in the case of Michael Flynn, is, the Mueller team is set to argue, unconstitutional. What's more, since there is an impeachment process in place—or there are impeachment resolutions before congress—and impeachment is the province of Congress, a pardon of a potential witness in this
This, however, would probably not be true if the Attorney General refused the next Special Counsel's budget request—due on July 1. That would shut down the whole operation—the Special Counsel staff and grand juries. There might, however, according to research the team has prepared, be enough time between the order and the shuttering for the Special Counsel to share the grand jury evidence with other federal prosecutors, who might act on their own authority to pursue the President.
The President's constitutional pardon powers appear to be some of the most troubling and threatening issues for the Special Counsel. The Counsel's office believes the President will use his pardon power as an instrument to undermine the investigation.
According to present and former White House advisors, the President's recent spate of pardons are in part his way of taunting the Special Counsel. The White House, according to these sources, is aware that the Special Counsel has concluded the President's pardon power is near absolute: the President can certainly pardon himself, and others involved in the investigation.
Early in June, the Special Counsel, believing that a pardon for Michael Flynn was imminent, rushed to build a case that might form an exception to the President's pardon authority. The argument, perhaps a slim-thread one, tries to undermine what both the White House and many outside legal authorities, and much of the Special Counsel's own research, believes to be one of the few unchallengeable powers granted the President. In effect, the Special Counsel continues the theme of it's case: there is a level of obstruction of justice that all reasonable men might know when they see it. If you pardon someone to get yourself off the hook, that's a "corrupt" action. The constitution is not a statute that you might violate, but a larger covenant which you might offend (or, equally, that might protect you). Since the President is in charge of upholding the constitution and much of the constitution is about preventing corrupt acts or abuses of power, the pardon, in the case of Michael Flynn, is, the Mueller team is set to argue, unconstitutional. What's more, since there is an impeachment process in place—or there are impeachment resolutions before congress—and impeachment is the province of Congress, a pardon of a potential witness in this
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030263
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