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2.61 MB
Extraction Summary
8
People
7
Organizations
8
Locations
4
Events
2
Relationships
5
Quotes
Document Information
Type:
Report/publication page (freedom house)
File Size:
2.61 MB
Summary
This document contains page 31 of a Freedom House report (bearing a House Oversight stamp) discussing Russian state propaganda and the suppression of academic freedom following the 2014 invasion of Ukraine and seizure of Crimea. It details how the Russian government utilized historical revisionism—specifically regarding World War II and the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia—to justify aggression against Ukraine and label dissenters as 'fascists' or 'traitors.' The text specifically highlights the firing of academics Andrey Zubov and Aleksandr Konkov for criticizing Russian foreign policy. There is no mention of Jeffrey Epstein or his associates in the text of this specific page.
People (8)
| Name | Role | Context |
|---|---|---|
| Vladimir Putin | President of Russia |
Accused of falsifying history, intensifying propaganda, and suppressing dissent regarding the invasion of Ukraine.
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| Viktor Yanukovych | Former President of Ukraine |
Described as the corrupt president driven out by Ukrainian protesters.
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| Stepan Bandera | Historical Figure (Nationalist Leader) |
Controversial leader used by Russian propaganda to label modern Ukrainians as fascists/Nazis.
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| Lucian Kim | Journalist/Commentator |
Noted that a Russian documentary was a 'celebration of the tactics of dictatorship.'
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| Andrey Zubov | Professor |
Fired from Moscow State Institute of International Relations in March 2014 for criticizing the Crimea annexation.
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| Aleksandr Konkov | Senior Sociologist |
Let go by Sakhalin State University for criticizing the seizure of Crimea.
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| Adolf Hitler | Historical Figure |
Referenced in comparisons regarding the annexation of Austria and Nazi propaganda.
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| Joseph Goebbels | Historical Figure |
Referenced in a quote by Andrey Zubov regarding propaganda promises.
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Organizations (7)
| Name | Type | Context |
|---|---|---|
| Freedom House |
Publisher of the report.
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| NATO |
Portrayed by Russian propaganda as a permanent threat and instigator of the Prague Spring and Maidan.
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| Moscow State Institute of International Relations |
University that fired Andrey Zubov.
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| Vedomosti |
Newspaper where Zubov published his critical article.
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| Sakhalin State University |
University that let go of Aleksandr Konkov.
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| Predatel |
A website (meaning 'traitor') that listed alleged traitors who criticized Russian policy.
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| Warsaw Pact |
Referenced regarding the 1968 intervention in Czechoslovakia.
|
Timeline (4 events)
1968
Soviet-led Warsaw Pact intervention in Czechoslovakia.
Czechoslovakia
March 2014
March 2014
Firing of Andrey Zubov for an article criticizing the Crimea seizure.
Moscow
Locations (8)
| Location | Context |
|---|---|
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Subject of invasion and propaganda.
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Region seized by Russia in 2014.
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Country implementing propaganda and suppressing academic freedom.
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Location of the 1968 movement and alleged NATO-inspired coup.
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Target of 1968 Soviet intervention.
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Referenced regarding neutral status and Hitler's annexation.
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Seat of Ukrainian government.
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Referenced as allegedly giving information to Maidan forces.
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Relationships (2)
Zubov criticized Putin's annexation of Crimea and was fired; Putin's rhetoric about 'fifth column' targeted people like Zubov.
Russian media labeled Ukrainian politicians as followers of Bandera.
Key Quotes (5)
"We must not behave the way the Germans once behaved, based on the promises of Goebbels and Hitler."Source
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Quote #1
"The falsification of history that began during the early years of Putin’s leadership has been intensified in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine and seizure of Crimea in 2014."Source
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Quote #2
"The objective was to equate contemporary Ukrainians who favored full sovereignty and independence from Russian influence with Nazi collaborators and pogromists."Source
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Quote #3
"Zubov’s writings 'contradict Russia’s foreign policy and inflict careless, irresponsible criticism on the actions of the state.'"Source
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Quote #4
"Putin made the point quite clearly in a speech before the parliament in March 2014, when he referred to a 'fifth column' and a 'disparate bunch of national traitors' sowing discord within Russia."Source
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Quote #5
Full Extracted Text
Complete text extracted from the document (5,145 characters)
Freedom House
deals honestly with the people, and a country that lives at peace with its neighbors.
The Ukraine factor
The falsification of history that began during the early years of Putin’s leadership has been intensified in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine and seizure of Crimea in 2014. To convince the Russian people that waging a form of low-intensity warfare against a neighbor was justified, Putin has stepped up efforts to depict the West as antagonistic to Russian interests, launched a campaign to label those responsible for Ukraine’s Maidan uprising as fascists, driven home the idea that ethnic Russians living outside the Russian Federation were under relentless persecution, and identified Russian critics of aggression against Ukraine as a treasonous fifth column.
The falsification of history that began during the early years of Putin’s leadership has been intensified in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine and seizure of Crimea in 2014. To convince the Russian people that waging a form of low-intensity warfare against a neighbor was justified, Putin has stepped up efforts to depict the West as antagonistic to Russian interests, launched a campaign to label those responsible for Ukraine’s Maidan uprising as fascists, driven home the idea that ethnic Russians living outside the Russian Federation were under relentless persecution, and identified Russian critics of aggression against Ukraine as a treasonous fifth column.
A recurring theme of post-Crimea propaganda is the notion that Russia faces the same threats from the West today as it did during the Cold War. To make this point, Russian television aired a documentary meant to justify one of the more shameful events of the Soviet period, the 1968 Soviet-led Warsaw Pact intervention in Czechoslovakia. The invasion was undertaken to crush the reformist Prague Spring movement, whose leaders were moving increasingly in the direction of jettisoning state socialism, embracing democratic reforms, and seeking a kind of neutral geopolitical status much like that enjoyed at the time by Austria. The documentary used archival footage to build a concocted case that the invasion was necessary to thwart a NATO-inspired coup in Prague.¹³ The clear purpose of the film was to portray NATO as a permanent threat to Russian interests, as much in 2014 as in 1968.¹⁴
Another television documentary focused on the seizure of Crimea, a year after the event. As Lucian Kim has noted, the program is something of a celebration of the tactics of dictatorship. The filmmakers offer no conflicting opinions and present American leaders as puppet masters. Among other claims, the documentary asserts that Washington gave the Maidan forces information about Ukrainian security methods that American officials had obtained during bilateral exchange programs with the Kyiv government. ¹⁵
To further bolster the case for the invasion of Ukraine, the Russian propaganda machinery devoted great energy to demonstrating the fascist nature of the Maidan, relying heavily on invocations of Soviet history. The Ukrainian protesters and activists who helped drive out corrupt president Viktor Yanukovych,
and the European-oriented politicians who replaced him, were repeatedly labeled as present-day followers of Stepan Bandera, a controversial nationalist leader who fought the Soviets and at times cooperated with the Nazis in a doomed campaign for an independent Ukraine during World War II. Russian media presented Bandera and his followers as unambiguous allies of the Nazis, and highlighted their wartime atrocities. Russian media also featured a number of documentaries that emphasized Russian, as opposed to Soviet, resistance to Hitler. The objective was to equate contemporary Ukrainians who favored full sovereignty and independence from Russian influence with Nazi collaborators and pogromists. This served not only to explain Moscow’s response, but also to deter any emulation of the Maidan protests in Russia itself.
The assault on academic freedom
Since the occupation of Crimea and invasion of eastern Ukraine, it has become increasingly dangerous to express dissenting views on Russian foreign policy in Russia’s schools and universities. Putin made the point quite clearly in a speech before the parliament in March 2014, when he referred to a “fifth column” and a “disparate bunch of national traitors” sowing discord within Russia.¹⁶
Since the occupation of Crimea and invasion of eastern Ukraine, it has become increasingly dangerous to express dissenting views on Russian foreign policy in Russia’s schools and universities. Putin made the point quite clearly in a speech before the parliament in March 2014, when he referred to a “fifth column” and a “disparate bunch of national traitors” sowing discord within Russia.¹⁶
In the ensuing months, anyone criticizing Russian policy risked the label of foreign agent, which in Russian usage is tantamount to being called a spy. Around this time a new website called Predatel (traitor) began listing alleged traitors, specifically those who had criticized Russia’s annexation of Crimea or supported sanctions against Russian officials. The site encouraged Russians to send in the names of other traitors.
Meanwhile, a number of educators fell afoul of the new policies on the teaching of history. In March 2014, Andrey Zubov, who held a position at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, was fired for “an immoral act”—namely an article he published in the newspaper Vedomosti that criticized the seizure of Crimea and compared it to Hitler’s annexation of Austria. “We must not behave the way the Germans once behaved, based on the promises of Goebbels and Hitler,” he wrote. The university’s explanation claimed that Zubov’s writings “contradict Russia’s foreign policy and inflict careless, irresponsible criticism on the actions of the state.”¹⁷ In a similar incident, senior sociologist Aleksandr Konkov was let go by Sakhalin State University after declaring that Russia had seized Crimea opportunistically because Ukraine was weak, not because Crimeans themselves had clamored for the takeover.¹⁸
www.freedomhouse.org
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