| Date | Event Type | Description | Location | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N/A | N/A | Re-production of documents to a committee due to a prior production error. The note indicates the... | Not specified | View |
| N/A | N/A | Chag ha Pri (The Feast of the Fruit) | Hangar on the base compound | View |
| N/A | N/A | CFIUS reviews of proposed acquisitions of American companies by Chinese entities. | United States | View |
| 2017-12-01 | N/A | Krauss invited to speak at last 3 CFI meetings. | N/A | View |
This document is Page 5 of a legal letter from the law firm Covington, addressed to Senators Richard Burr and Mark Warner, dated May 22, 2017. It argues on behalf of General Flynn (Michael Flynn) against a subpoena demanding lists of meetings and communications with Russian officials. The text asserts that complying with these broad demands would force Flynn to create new documents and provide testimony, violating his Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination. Note: While the user prompt references Epstein, this document text is exclusively related to the Michael Flynn/Russia investigation.
This document is Page 4 of a legal letter from the law firm Covington to Senators Richard Burr and Mark Warner (Senate Intelligence Committee), dated May 22, 2017. It argues that a subpoena issued to General Michael Flynn is overly broad and that complying with it would violate his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination because the Committee lacks 'reasonable particularity' regarding the existence of the documents. The text details specific subpoena demands for records of Flynn's meetings and communications with Russian officials and the Trump campaign between 2015 and 2017. Note: Despite the user prompt, this document pertains to the Russia investigation/Michael Flynn, not Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 2 of a legal letter from the law firm Covington to Senators Richard Burr and Mark Warner regarding General Michael Flynn. It argues that General Flynn is exercising his Fifth Amendment privilege to decline a Congressional subpoena for documents, citing that the act of production is testimonial in nature and could be used against him in ongoing investigations, including one by a newly appointed special counsel. The document cites legal precedents including *Watkins v. United States* and *United States v. Hubbell* to support the refusal.
This document is page 131 of a House Oversight report, specifically containing endnotes/citations numbered 31 through 37. The citations reference government documents from 2010 and 2011 regarding export controls, university research vulnerabilities, and foreign investment in the United States (CFIUS). Sources include the GAO, Federal Register, the White House, and the Congressional Research Service.
This document is page 129 of a larger report, bearing the Bates stamp HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020588. The text discusses legislative reforms to CFIUS (Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States) under President Trump, specifically targeting Chinese exploitation of loopholes and expanding review of real estate and infrastructure deals. The bottom half of the page contains endnotes (1-13) citing various sources on Chinese industrial espionage, the 'Made in China 2025' initiative, the Thousand Talents Program, and intellectual property theft.
This document is a page from a House Oversight Committee report (Bates: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020564) discussing Chinese influence operations in the United States. It details the rise of diaspora groups interacting with the United Front Work Department and analyzes the risks posed by Chinese companies like Huawei and ZTE, citing national security concerns. Note: Despite the user prompt categorizing this as 'Epstein-related', this specific page contains no text regarding Jeffrey Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell, or their associates.
This document is a page from a report (likely part of House Oversight evidence) analyzing the geopolitical and economic relationship between the US and China. It focuses on corporate influence, noting that while American corporations are sources of soft power, they are vulnerable to foreign leverage. It details trade statistics from 2017, discusses Chinese economic statecraft (including boycotts), and outlines an examination of Chinese influence operations through United Front organizations and corporate pressure.
This document appears to be a page from a manuscript (likely by Alan Dershowitz, given the context of the arguments and the specific testimony quoted) labeled with a House Oversight Bates stamp. The text recounts the author's testimony before Congress defending President Clinton against impeachment by arguing there is a hierarchy of perjury, distinguishing Clinton's 'marginal' lies from more dangerous police perjury ('testilying'). The author also describes a disagreement with Chief Judge Gerald B. Tjoflat regarding the nature of perjury.
This document is a digital message log from November 22, 2018, between 'e:jeeitunes@gmail.com' (an address associated with Jeffrey Epstein) and a redacted individual. They discuss personal decision-making regarding being around 'small minded people' and the presidency. The redacted sender shares a quote from Clinton about European migration policies, to which the response is 'He's absolutely right' (potentially referring to Viktor Orbán mentioned in the quote, or a misattribution of the Clinton quote).
This document is a production note, identified as 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026247', which appears to be a cover sheet for a set of legal or investigative documents. The note explains that certain items were previously 'produced in error to the Committee' and are now being re-produced in their native PDF format. The page is otherwise blank, containing no other specific information.
This document section details a significant shift in US policy toward China, moving from a position of "engagement" to a more confrontational stance. Initially led by the US Congress and later embraced by the Trump administration and various government agencies, this change was a response to concerns over China's nonreciprocal trade practices, military expansion in the South China Sea, and influence operations. The text highlights legislative actions like the 2019 National Defense Authorization Act and the FIRMMA of 2018 as key components of this new, more skeptical approach to US-China relations.
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