People's Republic of China
OrganizationRelationship Network
| Connected Entity | Relationship Type |
Strength
(mentions)
|
Documents | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
|
location
United States
|
Unknown |
6
|
1 | |
|
location
United States
|
Diplomatic political communication |
5
|
1 | |
|
organization
Qiaobao
|
Political alignment |
5
|
1 |
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This document is page 235 from a book (likely by Edward Jay Epstein, based on the file name 'Epst') discussing Chinese espionage against the United States. It details how China acquired nuclear warhead and stealth technology through theft rather than investment, leading to a 1998 House Select Committee investigation. The page bears a Bates stamp 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019723', indicating it was part of a document production for a congressional oversight committee.
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This document appears to be a page from a book or article (possibly a review of Henry Kissinger's 'On China') included in House Oversight files. It discusses Kissinger's analysis of Chinese geopolitical strategy, referencing historical figures like Sun Tzu, Confucius, and Mao Zedong, and compares the economic trajectories of the U.S. and China since Kissinger's 1971 visit. While contained in an investigation file (indicated by the footer), the text itself is a historical and economic analysis rather than a record of specific illicit activity.
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An email chain from December 2016 in which Gino Yu forwards a research report titled 'Deep dives into PRC fin tech ownership and Trump cabinet ownership' by Paul Schulte to Jeffrey Epstein (using the email jeevacation@gmail.com). Gino refers to Epstein as his 'benefactor in NYC' and asks if Epstein would like to meet Paul Schulte while Schulte is in New York. The chain includes travel details for Gino, noting he is in Hong Kong and heading to Italy.
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This document is the 'Afterword' of a report written by Orville Schell and Larry Diamond regarding US-China relations. The text discusses the shift from economic competition to adversarial rivalry, warns about Chinese influence operations in the US, but explicitly cautions against racial profiling or a 'McCarthy era-like reaction' against Chinese-Americans. The document bears a 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' footer, suggesting it is part of a larger document production for a congressional investigation.
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This document is an endnotes/bibliography page (Appendix 2, Page 185) from a House Oversight Committee report. It lists citations for articles and reports published between 2016 and 2018, focusing heavily on Chinese foreign influence, particularly in Western academia (Confucius Institutes), telecommunications (Huawei), and politics (David Cameron's appointment). The citations reference major publications such as The Financial Times, The Guardian, Reuters, and Foreign Policy.
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This document is page 157 (Appendix 2) of a House Oversight report (Bates: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020616) analyzing the historical and diplomatic relationship between France and China. It details shifts in French public opinion from the 1960s Maoist sympathies to tensions following the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown and 2008 Olympics, as well as France's current role in arms sales to Asia and naval operations in the South China Sea. The document also profiles the large Chinese diaspora in France, noting the diverse makeup of the community and the PRC's increasing outreach efforts via its embassy and consulates.
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This page appears to be part of a House Oversight Committee report discussing foreign influence, specifically Chinese government propaganda within the United States. It analyzes how the PRC uses organizations like the Asian Culture and Media Group to control outlets such as SinoVision and Qiaobao while masking state involvement. The text recommends enforcing the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) to increase transparency regarding the ownership and staffing of these media entities.
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This page from a House Oversight report details the People's Republic of China's efforts to influence overseas Chinese-language media through investments, conferences, and seminars. It describes how outlets like Mingjing and backchina.com shifted their editorial stances to align with CCP narratives following financial investments or attendance at state-sponsored forums. The document cites specific officials like Guo Zhaojin and He Yafei instructing media to act as mouthpieces for national strategies like the Belt and Road Initiative.
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This document appears to be page 72 of a House Oversight Committee report concerning Think Tanks. It details interviews with various scholars and analysts who admit to varying degrees of self-censorship regarding China (PRC), Xi Jinping, Taiwan, and human rights abuses in Xinjiang. The analysts cite the fear of losing visa access to China and the need to protect their institutions' financial interests or access as primary motivators for modulating their public criticism.
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This document page (21) appears to be part of a House Oversight Committee report detailing Chinese influence operations within the United States. It warns that 'exchange' companies bringing Chinese delegations to the US are politically motivated and controlled by the CCP's 'United Front' bureaucracy. The text also discusses the pressure placed on Chinese-Americans to serve Beijing's interests and advises local US officials to prioritize national security over local commercial interests when engaging with PRC actors.
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This document is page 801 from a 2005 legal opinion regarding the 'In Re Terrorist Attacks on September 11, 2001' litigation (349 F.Supp.2d 765). The text discusses the 'discretionary function' exception under the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA) and the court's finding that this exception bars claims against Saudi Royals Prince Sultan and Prince Turki, who were accused of donating to charities linked to al Qaeda. The document bears a 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' stamp, indicating it was likely part of a Congressional document production.
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This document appears to be a page from a book (Chapter 22) produced as evidence in a House Oversight investigation. It details Chinese military advancements, specifically a 2014 submarine missile test in the Atlantic monitored by the NSA, and alleges that China's nuclear and stealth capabilities were largely achieved through espionage against the US and technology licensing from Russia. It references a 1998 Congressional Committee established to investigate these security concerns.
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This document excerpt discusses the historical context of US-China relations, focusing on the role of the US Congress. It highlights congressional resistance to White House policies regarding China, Chinese influence efforts on Congress, and congressional visits to China between 1972 and 1977 as a key channel of communication during a period when high-level executive communication was limited. The text also touches on US perceptions of China's strategic position relative to the Soviet Union and the impedance of the Taiwan question.
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This document is page 5 of a report, identified as 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020464', and is not related to Jeffrey Epstein. It analyzes China's influence-seeking activities in the United States and other Western countries, focusing on media censorship, pressure campaigns against the Chinese American community, and the misappropriation of technology from US companies and universities. The report frames these activities as a significant and growing threat to America's economic and military advantages.
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This document describes the complex relationship between the United States and China, acknowledging the mutual economic and social benefits while highlighting the growing imbalance. It argues that China, defined as the Chinese Communist Party and its government, exploits the openness of American society through opaque "sharp power" influence activities to advance its own interests. These activities target various sectors of American society and undermine democratic norms, creating a non-reciprocal dynamic where American institutions are impeded from engaging with Chinese society.
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