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legacy of the Iranian revolution that established a state rooted in
religion.

Now, nearly four decades old, the Revolutionary Guard’s rise to power
remains the catalyst for Islamic sectarian division today, releasing
forces of fury once confined first by Ottoman rule and then by US
dominance in the region. The threat to Arab nations and the West that
ensued is the same as that led by the Ottomans: the spread of a radical
Islamic caliphate based on religion, not country. In Iran, this is credo
is championed by the Revolutionary Guard and an Ayatollah who
lectures two billion Muslims that he is an infallible ruler directly
responsible to God. US diplomats are faced with an impossible
balancing act: limiting nuclear proliferation and, at the same time,
firmly standing against the religious intolerance fanning Islamic
terrorism.

The outbreak of these historically opposing forces, compounded by
declining oil prices, is heightening the ferment.

The Arab World’s best hope is the rise of a new generation in
government. In the UAE, Qatar and Saudi Arabia, brilliant young
leaders are crafting forward-looking policies to effectively forge a new
Middle East. American foreign policy must persuade these bold
visionaries to lean West rather than East. This endeavor will not
simply benefit the nations they lead. It’s the most effective strategy to
safeguard America’s interests. By supporting their anti-terrorism
platforms abroad, America enhances its anti-terrorism policies at
home.

Like Asian rulers who launched the Tiger Economies of the mid to late
20th century, these new Arab leaders are searching for policies aimed
at economic and educational development. Those policies are designed
to reduce internal tensions and secure their countries’ rightful place in
a future dominated by global trade. The fate of America’s Middle
Eastern allies, as well as its own foreign policy interests, hinges on

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