| Connected Entity | Relationship Type |
Strength
(mentions)
|
Documents | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
|
person
Mohamed
|
Officer |
6
|
1 | |
|
person
Obama Administration
|
Policy alignment |
5
|
1 | |
|
organization
AMI
|
Corporate control |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
Steve Hadley
|
Former affiliation |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
Prince Mohamed al-Faisal al-Saud
|
Leadership |
5
|
1 | |
|
organization
AMI
|
Family |
5
|
1 | |
|
organization
Faisal Finance
|
Family |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
Mohamed
|
Professional |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
Wa'el Julaidan
|
Client |
5
|
1 | |
|
organization
LFB Acquisition LLC
|
Ownership |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
Feaver
|
Employee |
1
|
1 | |
|
organization
NAL
|
Collaboration |
1
|
1 |
| Date | Event Type | Description | Location | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2024-06-01 | N/A | Implementation date for the new monthly security camera reporting process at all institutions. | All BOP Institutions | View |
| 2003-01-01 | N/A | Invasion of Iraq | Iraq | View |
| 1996-01-01 | N/A | Clinton Administration privatized background checks for government employees. | USA | View |
| 1996-01-01 | N/A | Background investigations for the NSA began to be outsourced to private companies. | USA | View |
| 0197-01-01 | N/A | Deportation case legal battle | United States | View |
This document is page 52 of a 2005 Brigham Young University Law Review article discussing the implementation of the Crime Victims' Rights Act (CVRA). It emphasizes the necessity for the judiciary to comprehensively protect victims' rights in federal criminal cases to avoid further congressional intervention. The document bears the name of attorney David Schoen (Epstein's lawyer) and a House Oversight Committee Bates stamp, suggesting it was part of materials submitted during a congressional investigation, likely regarding the violation of victims' rights in the Epstein case.
This document is a geopolitical intelligence brief from Kevin Nealer of The Scowcroft Group, dated November 14, 2015. It analyzes the strategic shift of ISIS following attacks in Paris, Beirut, and the Metrojet bombing, predicting increased security measures in Europe and political fallout for the Obama administration. The document bears a 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' stamp, suggesting it was part of a larger investigation, likely retrieved from a recipient's files (potentially Jeffrey Epstein, though he is not explicitly named in this specific text).
This document is a page from a Federal Supplement court opinion (likely In re Terrorist Attacks on September 11, 2001) discussing motions to dismiss by Saudi defendants. The court grants the motion to dismiss for Prince Mohamed, ruling that his role as an officer of DMI, IICG, and FIBS does not establish personal jurisdiction in the U.S. and that there is no evidence linking him to al Qaeda financing. It also introduces the Estate of Mohammad Abdullah Aljomaih as a defendant added in May 2003. While the prompt mentions Epstein, this specific page pertains to 9/11 litigation and contains no mention of Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 815 of a court opinion (In Re Terrorist Attacks on September 11, 2001) from the S.D.N.Y. dated 2005. It details allegations that Prince Mohamed, as CEO of DMI (Dar al-Maal al-Islami Trust), provided financial support and banking services to al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden through institutions like Faisal Islamic Bank and Al Shamal Islamic Bank. The text discusses jurisdiction arguments and lists specific terrorist events (1993 WTC bombing, 1998 embassy bombings, 9/11) as part of a common scheme. The document bears a 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' Bates stamp.
This document is a page from a court opinion discussing allegations against Prince Mohamed regarding the financing of terrorism through financial institutions like Al Shamal Islamic Bank and various charities. The text details claims by plaintiffs that Prince Mohamed provided material support to al Qaeda and questions whether the court has personal jurisdiction over him based on his contacts with the United States.
This document appears to be a compilation of notes and correspondence submitted to the House Oversight Committee (stamped 017601). It contains conspiratorial text linking Erik Prince, 9/11 events, and Benghazi to a 'New World Order,' alongside criticism of Obama's Gitmo policy. It includes a transcript of a Facebook message to Dick Cheney about interrogation techniques and a specific email to 'Deputy Lyddy' describing a female subject as exhausted, sleep-deprived, and hungry, followed by commentary on 'reversed-engineered SERE' and the APA's role in torture justification.
This document appears to be page 295 of a manuscript or legal memoir (possibly a draft, given the 'WC' word count header). It discusses legal arguments regarding affirmative action, specifically referencing admissions at Davis Medical School (likely the Bakke case). The text argues for individualized assessment over racial quotas and quotes civil rights leader Roy Wilkins to support the position against proportional representation.
This document appears to be a page from a manuscript or memoir draft (page 217) produced to the House Oversight Committee. The narrator (likely Alan Dershowitz based on context) reflects on their role in preventing John Lennon's deportation in the 1970s and their subsequent guilt over Lennon's 1980 murder in the U.S. The text details a conversation with Yoko Ono where she absolves the narrator of this guilt, and mentions the narrator's refusal to assist Jonathan Marks in the defense of Lennon's killer, Mark Chapman.
This document appears to be a page from a draft manuscript (dated 4.2.12) discussing the ethics of leaking classified information. The author (likely Alan Dershowitz, based on the mention of representing Soviet dissidents in the 70s) compares traditional journalists like Seymour Hersh (spelled Hirsh) and Bob Woodward unfavorably against Julian Assange. The text argues that traditional reporters engage in a 'quid pro quo' with sources to spin narratives, whereas Assange/WikiLeaks publishes indiscriminately for the sake of transparency.
This document, labeled as Chapter 7, discusses the complex conflict between national security and free expression, contrasting it with issues of obscenity censorship. It categorizes different types of secrets—ranging from "necessary secrets" like troop movements to those kept for political convenience—and analyzes the difficult decisions regarding if and when to publish sensitive information in a democracy.
This document appears to be a page from a manuscript draft (likely a memoir or legal text) written by Alan Dershowitz, dated April 2, 2012. In the text, the author defends his controversial legal positions regarding torture warrants, affirmative action, free speech, and Israel, framing his career as a pursuit of accountability and clear legal standards. The document bears a House Oversight Committee Bates stamp, indicating it was submitted as evidence in a congressional inquiry.
This document contains a log of messages from March 29, 2017, primarily between the email address 'e:jeeitunes@gmail.com' (associated with Jeffrey Epstein) and a redacted recipient. The conversation focuses on introducing the recipient to Norwegian diplomat Terje Rød-Larsen, discussing his involvement in the Oslo Accords, his relationship with Bill Burns, and a Broadway play about the negotiations. The thread includes plans for meetings in Europe, a dinner on May 5th, and a request for Rød-Larsen to act as a 'sherpa' for the recipient.
This document is a message log from February 18, 2017, obtained by the House Oversight Committee. It details a conversation involving Jeffrey Epstein (using the alias 'jeeitunes@gmail.com') where participants discuss 'zero knowledge protocols' and a political strategy to 'convince bill' (likely Bill Gates). Epstein explicitly suggests a quid pro quo arrangement where they could 'get something for BG' if the administration (Trump admin) agrees to keep PEPFAR funding.
This document is a forensic log of text messages from January 28, 2017, between Jeffrey Epstein (using the alias e:jeeitunes@gmail.com) and a redacted individual. The conversation discusses the new presidential administration, specifically mentioning 'Donald' (Trump) viewing the Surgeon General as a 'figurehead telling children to eat their spinach,' and referencing healthcare topics like Obamacare and abortion. The document originates from a House Oversight Committee investigation.
This document is an email chain involving lobbyist Vinoda Basnayake and Elisabeth Feliho regarding a strategic letter concerning the 'arbitrary detention' of Mr. Wade (likely Karim Wade) in Senegal. The top portion of the document contains a draft statement urging the U.S. and Obama Administration to intervene against President Sall's actions in Senegal. The email correspondence below discusses timing the release of this letter to coincide with an upcoming Amnesty International human rights report.
A copy of an article titled 'What Would War with Iran Look Like?' by Jeffrey White, published in 'The American Interest' (July-August 2011). The text analyzes the geopolitical debate within the U.S. regarding Iran's potential acquisition of nuclear weapons, contrasting the risks of military intervention versus a nuclear-armed Iran. The document bears a House Oversight Bates stamp, indicating it was part of a congressional document production.
This document is a reproduction of a Wall Street Journal opinion piece by Max Boot, dated April 18, 2011, discussing U.S. foreign policy in Iraq. It details Secretary of Defense Bob Gates' visit to Iraq to discuss the potential extension of U.S. troop presence beyond the 2011 deadline and analyzes the political tensions between Kurdish and Arab factions. The document bears a House Oversight Bates stamp, indicating it is part of a larger congressional production.
This document appears to be page 9 of a policy paper or article analyzing nuclear non-proliferation strategies. It discusses the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, criticizes the 'Atoms for Peace' initiative from the Eisenhower era, and highlights the unintended consequences of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), citing India's nuclear development via Canadian assistance as an example. The document bears a 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' stamp, indicating it is part of a Congressional investigation production.
This page appears to be part of a larger policy analysis or report, marked with a House Oversight Bates stamp. The text critiques the geopolitical strategy regarding nuclear disarmament, specifically focusing on the dangers of short-range nuclear weapons and criticizing the Obama administration for failing to leverage the New START Treaty to limit Russia's stockpile of such weapons. It references a '2007 statement' advocating for a nuclear-free world.
This document is a page from a 2012 Westlaw legal opinion regarding litigation surrounding the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks (In re: Terrorist Attacks on September 11, 2001). It details legal arguments concerning the liability of entities including DMI Trust, Dallah al Baraka, and individual Saleh Abdullah Kamel for providing material support to al-Qaeda and Osama bin Laden in the 1990s. The text discusses pleading standards under the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) and criticizes a lower court for applying an incorrect standard regarding the causal connection between 1990s support and the 2001 attacks. The document bears a 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' Bates stamp.
This document is page 35 of a legal opinion (2012 WL 257568) related to 'In re: Terrorist Attacks on September 11, 2001', bearing a House Oversight Committee stamp. It details allegations against Saudi financial institutions, including Al Rajhi Bank, Saudi American Bank, and DMI Trust, regarding their financing of Al Qaeda, Hamas, and other terrorist groups through complex networks of charities and investments. The text specifically highlights a $50 million capital injection by Osama bin Laden into Al Shamal Bank and names various Saudi royals and businessmen as knowingly supporting terrorism. While labeled as Epstein-related in the prompt, the text itself focuses exclusively on 9/11 litigation and terror financing.
This document is a page from a 2012 legal opinion regarding litigation surrounding the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. It details allegations against DMI Trust and its subsidiaries (Faisal Islamic Bank, Faisal Finance, Tadamon Bank) for knowingly facilitating financial support for Al Qaeda, the National Islamic Front in Sudan, and various terrorist operatives including Wa’el Julaidan and Yasin Al Kadi. The text argues that the District Court failed to draw reasonable inferences regarding the defendants' knowledge of their support for terrorism, citing specific financial relationships and public knowledge of Al Qaeda's intent to wage war on the U.S.
This document is a page from a legal brief retrieved from Westlaw, bearing a House Oversight Committee Bates stamp. It argues that a lower district court erred in dismissing Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) claims against Al Rajhi Bank, Saudi American Bank, and others related to the financing of al-Qaeda. The text focuses on legal standards (Rule 8 and Rule 12), arguing the court applied an incorrectly heightened standard of scrutiny to the plaintiffs' pleadings regarding the defendants' intent and support for terrorism.
This document is a page from a legal filing (2012 WL 257568) related to 9/11 terrorist attacks litigation, specifically detailing the financial infrastructure of al-Qaeda. It describes the interconnections between Osama bin Laden, various financial institutions (Al Shamal, Faisal Islamic Bank, Tadamon, Al Rajhi Bank), and individuals designated as terrorists or sponsors. It notably discusses the discovery of the 'Golden Chain' document in Bosnia, which identified major financial benefactors of al-Qaeda.
This document is a page from a 2012 legal opinion (In re: Terrorist Attacks on September 11, 2001) retrieved from Westlaw, bearing a House Oversight stamp. It details the financial infrastructure supporting al-Qaeda, specifically implicating financial institutions such as Al Shamal, FIBS, Al Rajhi Bank, and National Commercial Bank (NCB) in knowingly providing services and funneling money to the terrorist organization. The text cites testimony confirming that high-ranking banking officials had direct ties to Osama bin Laden and that the banks used charity fronts to channel funds for 'financial jihad.' Note: While labeled as an Epstein-related document request, this specific page contains no mention of Jeffrey Epstein or Ghislaine Maxwell; it focuses entirely on 9/11 terrorist financing litigation.
| Date | Type | From | To | Amount | Description | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| N/A | Paid | DMI | Al Qaeda / Al Har... | $0.00 | Transfer of Zakat and Haraam funds to support A... | View |
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