Hong Kong
LocationRelationship Network
Event Timeline
| Connected Entity | Relationship Type |
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United Kingdom
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Historical diplomatic |
5
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1 |
| Date | Event Type | Description | Location | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1993-10-15 | N/A | Conseil d’Etat decision no. 142578 | France | View |
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This document is page 8 of a 'Global Asset Allocation' report by J.P. Morgan, dated November 9, 2012. It contains detailed legal disclaimers and regulatory information regarding the distribution of financial research in various international jurisdictions including Japan, Korea, India, Pakistan, New Zealand, Canada, and Dubai. The page bears a Bates stamp 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026579', indicating it was produced as part of a congressional investigation.
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This document is a J.P. Morgan Global Economic Outlook Summary dated November 9, 2012. It presents a detailed table of Real GDP and Consumer Price forecasts for various regions and countries, including the Americas, Asia/Pacific, Europe, and global markets, for the years 2011-2013 and specific quarters.
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This document appears to be Appendix 3 of a House Oversight Committee report (marked HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020649). It details the ownership structures, political leanings, and potential Chinese government (PRC) influence over various Chinese-language media outlets operating in the West, including Duowei, Mingjing, The Epoch Times, and others. It highlights a trend of formerly independent media coming under Beijing's control or softening their stance after 2017.
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This document, labeled Appendix 3, outlines the extensive reach of official and semi-official Chinese-language media within the United States infrastructure as of 2018. It details the availability of networks like CCTV, Phoenix TV, and Xinhua across U.S. satellite providers, streaming services, and social media platforms.
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This document is an endnotes/bibliography page (Appendix 2, Page 185) from a House Oversight Committee report. It lists citations for articles and reports published between 2016 and 2018, focusing heavily on Chinese foreign influence, particularly in Western academia (Confucius Institutes), telecommunications (Huawei), and politics (David Cameron's appointment). The citations reference major publications such as The Financial Times, The Guardian, Reuters, and Foreign Policy.
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This document appears to be page 184 (Appendix 2) of a House Oversight Committee report (Bates stamped HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020643). The content discusses UK-China relations, focusing on Chinese influence operations, human rights violations in Hong Kong, and academic interference at institutions like Cambridge University. While part of a larger production that may contain Epstein materials, this specific page focuses entirely on geopolitical and academic integrity issues involving China and the UK, with no direct mention of Jeffrey Epstein.
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This page, labeled Appendix 2 from a House Oversight document, analyzes Chinese influence in the UK regarding Media and The Economy. It details the expansion of Chinese state media (CGTN, China Daily) in London, concerns regarding media freedom in Hong Kong affecting the UK, and the UK's shift toward stricter regulation of Chinese investment in critical infrastructure in partnership with France and Germany. NOTE: Despite the user prompt, this specific page contains no text related to Jeffrey Epstein.
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This document appears to be page 180 of a report (Appendix 2) labeled with a House Oversight stamp. The text details Chinese political influence operations within the United Kingdom, specifically analyzing the administrations of David Cameron and Theresa May. It highlights cyberattacks on the Scottish Parliament, the intimidation of UK politicians, and the hiring of former politicians like David Cameron by Chinese-linked entities (UK-China Fund). It also discusses influence within academia through the Chinese Students and Scholars Association. There are no references to Jeffrey Epstein or Ghislaine Maxwell in this specific page.
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This document appears to be page 179 (Appendix 2) of a larger report included in House Oversight Committee files (Bates stamp HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020638). The text focuses on geopolitical analysis, specifically Chinese influence operations in the United Kingdom, contrasting the UK's lack of debate on the subject with the US, Australia, and New Zealand. It cites various events involving Singapore and China between 2015 and 2017, but contains no direct references to Jeffrey Epstein or his specific associates on this page.
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This document, page 174 of a House Oversight Committee report (Appendix 2), details the history and methodology of Chinese influence operations in Singapore. It contrasts modern tactics (2016-17) involving social media and 'United Front' work with historical examples, specifically the 1971 revelation that a Hong Kong-based communist intelligence service funded the 'Eastern Sun' newspaper to shape public opinion. It also mentions diplomatic pressure exerted on Singapore in 2004 regarding Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's visit to Taiwan.
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This document appears to be a page (173) from a House Oversight Committee report (Appendix 2) focused on geopolitical issues involving China. It contains citations for works by Anne-Marie Brady regarding Chinese political influence and a section titled 'SINGAPORE AND ASEAN' that analyzes the diplomatic tension between Singapore and China during 2016-2017 regarding the South China Sea disputes. There is no mention of Jeffrey Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell, or their associates on this specific page.
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This document appears to be page 168 (Appendix 2) of a House Oversight Committee report focusing on Asian geopolitics, specifically Chinese influence operations and Japanese counter-strategies. The text discusses Chinese activist claims over the Ryukyu/Senkaku islands, asserting shared bloodlines between Chinese and Japanese people, and details Japan's strategic alliances with Taiwan, India, and Australia to counter Chinese expansion in the Indo-Pacific. The document contains citations accessed in October 2018 but does not contain direct references to Jeffrey Epstein or his associates on this specific page.
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This document page (167), labeled as Appendix 2 and bearing a House Oversight Bates stamp, details geopolitical tensions regarding the Ryukyu Islands (Okinawa) and the Senkaku/Diaoyu chain. It analyzes 'covert meddling' and propaganda efforts by the 'Organizing Committee for the Ryukyus,' a Hong Kong-based group with personnel ties to the CCP United Front Work Department, which agitates for Chinese sovereignty over the islands. The text also references the US military presence in Okinawa as a source of local discontent utilized by these campaigns.
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This document appears to be a page from a report (Appendix 2) analyzing Chinese (PRC) influence operations in Europe, specifically detailing activities in France and Germany. It highlights Huawei's financial sponsorships of French academic institutions, PRC control over Chinese-language media in France, and the promotion of pro-China narratives by specific French intellectuals. The section on Germany notes that while Chinese influence is sophisticated, it is hindered by public skepticism stemming from the Tiananmen Square massacre and targets younger professionals and EU stability.
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This document outlines the roles of two key Chinese bureaucracies in overseas influence activities: the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the United Front Work Department (UFWD). It describes the MFA as a general-purpose bureaucracy with limited influence operations except through its Department of Public Diplomacy, while characterizing the UFWD as a specialized organization focused on building support for the CCP among specific groups like the Chinese diaspora and elites in Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan.
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This document is page 118 of a House Oversight Committee report detailing the influence of the Chinese government on American technology and travel corporations. It highlights how companies like Google, Facebook, and Marriott have navigated Chinese censorship demands, 'cyber-sovereignty,' and political pressure regarding the status of Taiwan and Tibet to maintain market access. Although this document comes from a batch potentially labeled as 'Epstein-related' by the user, the text itself contains no mention of Jeffrey Epstein or his associates; it focuses exclusively on US-China corporate and geopolitical relations.
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This page from a House Oversight Committee report details Chinese Communist Party (CCP) influence operations within the United States, specifically targeting the Chinese diaspora through the 'United Front Work Department.' It describes the acquisition and co-opting of Chinese-language media outlets in the US (such as Wenxuecheng and Duowei) by pro-Beijing business interests to suppress Taiwan independence movements and promote CCP propaganda. **Note:** While the user prompt identifies this as an Epstein-related document, this specific page contains no mentions of Jeffrey Epstein, his associates, or his network; it is strictly focused on geopolitical media influence.
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This page from a House Oversight report details the shifting editorial stances of major Chinese-language newspapers in the U.S., specifically the World Journal and Ming Pao, toward a pro-Beijing perspective. It cites economic interests in mainland China and direct pressure from Chinese consulates regarding sensitive topics like Falun Gong as drivers for this change. The document also outlines a major $600 million media merger in 2007 involving Ming Pao that was welcomed by Beijing officials.
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This page from a government report details the efforts of the People's Republic of China (PRC) to influence and control Chinese-language media outlets in the United States, such as SinoVision, Qiaobao, and Sing Tao Newspaper Group. It discusses alleged financial subsidies, the ideological alignment of these publications with Beijing's official narratives, and the strategic goal of influencing the overseas Chinese community and American politics.
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This document outlines the connections between Chinese-language media outlets in the United States—specifically SinoVision, Qiaobao, and the Sino American Times—and the Chinese government's Overseas Chinese Affairs Office. It details how these organizations were established to promote Beijing's "soft power," with executives often appointed from Chinese state agencies and content sourced directly from official state media.
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This document, page 84 of a House Oversight report, details the expansion of Chinese state-owned media influence in the United States, termed the 'Grand Overseas Propaganda Campaign.' It describes the acquisition of US-based outlets like Sky Link TV by Chinese state entities, the consolidation of media organs into the 'Voice of China' under Xi Jinping's directive, and efforts since the 1990s to establish diaspora media to counter negative narratives. While part of a document dump that may contain Epstein-related materials, this specific page discusses Chinese geopolitical media strategy and contains no mention of Jeffrey Epstein.
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This document appears to be page 77 of a larger report (likely from the House Oversight Committee given the footer) outlining policy recommendations for US think tanks interacting with China. It focuses on three pillars: Transparency (disclosing funding sources from China/Hong Kong), Integrity (establishing a Code of Conduct), and Reciprocity (demanding equal access for scholars and cancelling trips if visas are denied). It specifically names the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and the Shanghai Institute of International Studies as the only institutions currently offering residential stays for foreign scholars.
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This document appears to be a page from a report on American think tanks and their relationship with China. It details issues regarding funding from Chinese sources, censorship, and pressure campaigns by the Chinese embassy to influence the narrative or discourage meetings with dissidents like the Dalai Lama. It concludes with recommendations for think tanks to use their institutional leverage to resist these incursions.
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This document discusses the internal dynamics of US think tanks regarding China, specifically addressing pressure from boards of trustees and the presence of Chinese nationals as staff or visiting fellows. It highlights varying perspectives on the risks of espionage versus the benefits of cultural insight and language skills, noting specific instances of attempted board interference and security protocols for sensitive meetings.
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This document page, stamped 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT', details the challenges faced by US think-tank scholars regarding publishing in China, including censorship, intellectual property theft, and 'neibu' (internal) circulation restrictions. It cites specific examples of content being pirated by Sohu and Baidu, books being heavily redacted by the State Press and Publishing Administration, and scholars being blocked from publication due to 'unfriendly remarks' made in the media. The text notes that while some scholars resist these pressures by publishing in Taiwan or Hong Kong, others allow mistranslated or altered versions of their work to be published in mainland China.
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