Taiwan
LocationRelationship Network
| Connected Entity | Relationship Type |
Strength
(mentions)
|
Documents | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
|
location
United States
|
Unknown |
8
Strong
|
2 | |
|
organization
Congress
|
Unknown |
7
|
1 | |
|
location
Japan
|
Diplomatic geopolitical |
5
|
1 | |
|
location
France
|
Military supply |
5
|
1 |
| Date | Event Type | Description | Location | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N/A | N/A | Arms sales to Taiwan. | Taiwan | View |
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This document is page 27 of a 'Global Cross Asset Strategy – Year Ahead' report dated November 30, 2016, bearing a House Oversight Committee Bates stamp. It consists entirely of legal disclaimers, copyright notices, and regulatory disclosures for Bank of America Merrill Lynch, covering jurisdictions such as Taiwan and the UK, as well as policies on conflicts of interest, short selling, and liability limitations. While part of a production to the House Oversight Committee (potentially related to investigations involving financial institutions and Epstein), this specific page contains only standard financial boilerplate text.
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This document outlines the 'Fundamental Equity Opinion Key' and 'Income Ratings' used by Bank of America Merrill Lynch research, defining investment ratings such as Buy, Neutral, and Underperform alongside volatility risk indicators. It also provides extensive legal and regulatory disclosures regarding the distribution of research reports by various international affiliates in jurisdictions including the UK, Japan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Australia. The page details conflicts of interest policies and specifies that prices mentioned are for informational purposes only.
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This document is a standard disclaimer and disclosure page from a Bank of America Merrill Lynch research report titled 'Japan Macro Watch,' dated November 14, 2016. It outlines regulatory compliance for various jurisdictions (Germany, Taiwan, UK, Singapore) and provides general investment warnings regarding risks, conflicts of interest, and copyright. The Bates number 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014430' indicates this document was produced as part of a US House Oversight Committee investigation, likely related to financial records.
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This document is a boilerplate disclosure page from a Bank of America Merrill Lynch research report titled 'Japan Macro Watch', dated November 14, 2016. It defines investment rating metrics (Buy, Neutral, Underperform), outlines analyst compensation policies, and lists various global affiliates and their regulatory bodies. The document bears a 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' stamp, indicating it was part of a document production for a congressional investigation, likely related to financial records, though no specific connection to Epstein is visible in the text of this single page.
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This document is a 'Disclosures' page from a Bank of America Merrill Lynch research report titled 'Japan Economics Viewpoint,' dated November 18, 2016. It outlines legal disclaimers, conflict of interest policies, and regulatory information for various global jurisdictions where the bank operates. The document bears the House Oversight Committee stamp 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014422', suggesting it was part of a larger production of documents, likely subpoenaed from financial institutions.
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A Bank of America Merrill Lynch economic report dated November 18, 2016, analyzing the potential impact of the incoming Trump administration on the Japanese economy. The document discusses trade exposure, GDP growth scenarios under 'benign' vs 'protectionist' policies, and political implications regarding defense spending and the US-Japan alliance. It contains charts on export exposure and a table simulating economic sensitivity.
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This document is a standard investment disclosure page from a Bank of America Merrill Lynch report titled "Japan Investment Strategy," dated November 18, 2016. The content consists of legal disclaimers regarding the use of the report, investment risks, and conflicts of interest. The document itself makes no mention of Jeffrey Epstein or any related individuals; however, a Bates number in the footer, "HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014409," indicates it was part of a larger set of documents produced for the House Oversight Committee, which is likely the context for its association with the Epstein investigation.
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014408.jpg
This document is a disclosure page from a BofA Merrill Lynch research report dated November 18, 2016. It details the firm's equity rating system, including investment ratings (Buy, Neutral, Underperform), volatility risks, and income ratings. The page also contains extensive legal and regulatory disclosures about the distribution of research reports by its various global affiliates.
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This document is a standard financial disclosure page from a Bank of America Merrill Lynch report, dated November 17, 2016, associated with the '2016 Future of Financials Conference'. The page details the company's global affiliates, regulatory bodies, and general disclaimers about its research reports. Despite the 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' Bates stamp, the content of this specific page contains no information, names, or details related to Jeffrey Epstein, his associates, or his known activities.
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This document is a news article about the business climate in Cambodia for manufacturing, contrasted with China. It details the experiences of two manufacturers, Mr. Holten of Pactics and Mr. Baum, discussing infrastructure challenges, supply chain problems, and the costs of setting up a factory, but also the long-term benefits. The content of the article is unrelated to Jeffrey Epstein, focusing entirely on international business and manufacturing in Southeast Asia.
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This document is an excerpt from a news article, likely published by The New York Times, discussing the economic and logistical challenges companies face when moving their manufacturing supply chains out of China. Despite the user's prompt, the content of this specific page, labeled 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028341', is about international trade and manufacturing and contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein.
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This document is page 2 of a curriculum vitae for Jack J. Grynberg, an individual with a long career in the oil and gas industry. It details his professional history from 1953 to 2002, including founding and leading several exploration and drilling companies, holding a US patent, and receiving appointments from three US Presidents (Ford, Carter, Clinton) and a Colorado Governor. The document, watermarked 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022368', contains no mention of Jeffrey Epstein or any known associates.
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This document outlines recommendations for the U.S. Congress regarding its approach to China. It advocates for promoting transparency through congressional oversight, integrity by distinguishing real threats like espionage from manageable issues like Confucius Institutes, and reciprocity by carefully considering the broader bilateral relationship and potential consequences before taking action. The page concludes with a detailed list of sources cited in the section.
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This document, page 16 of a report from a House Oversight collection, analyzes the shifting perspective of the US Congress towards China around 2018. It highlights a growing bipartisan consensus, influenced by the Trump administration, to move away from a policy of 'engagement' to a more adversarial stance, citing events like the passage of the Taiwan Travel Act and debates over sanctions on the Chinese firm ZTE. Contrary to the user's prompt, this document contains no mention of or relation to Jeffrey Epstein; its content is exclusively focused on US-China political relations.
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This document, page 14 of a House Oversight report, details Chinese government strategies to influence the U.S. Congress following the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown. It describes secret high-level US diplomatic trips to Beijing that angered Congress, and China's use of 'united front' organizations and operatives like Jimmy Wong to cultivate personal relationships. The text contrasts China's focus on person-to-person influence with the methods of Russia and the former Soviet Union.
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This document details China's influence efforts directed at the U.S. Congress from 1979 to 1988, following the establishment of formal diplomatic relations. It describes how China, in response to pro-Taiwan lobbying, utilized organizations like the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs (CPIFA) to build relationships with congressional members and staff by hosting delegations in China. The text frames CPIFA as a "united front organization" or GONGO that carries out government-directed policies while appearing independent.
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This document discusses congressional visits to China during the 1970s, highlighting their role in improving Sino-American relations from the Chinese perspective. It focuses on the influential role of Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield, who, contrary to many of his colleagues, advocated for rapidly normalizing relations with Beijing and ending ties with Taiwan. Mansfield's reports, which were largely favorable to the Maoist regime and its suitability for the Chinese people, helped to counter skepticism and criticism within the US government.
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This document excerpt discusses the historical context of US-China relations, focusing on the role of the US Congress. It highlights congressional resistance to White House policies regarding China, Chinese influence efforts on Congress, and congressional visits to China between 1972 and 1977 as a key channel of communication during a period when high-level executive communication was limited. The text also touches on US perceptions of China's strategic position relative to the Soviet Union and the impedance of the Taiwan question.
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This document section details a significant shift in US policy toward China, moving from a position of "engagement" to a more confrontational stance. Initially led by the US Congress and later embraced by the Trump administration and various government agencies, this change was a response to concerns over China's nonreciprocal trade practices, military expansion in the South China Sea, and influence operations. The text highlights legislative actions like the 2019 National Defense Authorization Act and the FIRMMA of 2018 as key components of this new, more skeptical approach to US-China relations.
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This document is page 7 of a report, likely from the House Oversight Committee, identified by the Bates number HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020466. It is a 'Notes' section citing various sources from 2017-2018 concerning China's foreign political influence, interference operations, and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This document contains no information, names, or events related to Jeffrey Epstein.
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This document is page 5 of a report, identified as 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020464', and is not related to Jeffrey Epstein. It analyzes China's influence-seeking activities in the United States and other Western countries, focusing on media censorship, pressure campaigns against the Chinese American community, and the misappropriation of technology from US companies and universities. The report frames these activities as a significant and growing threat to America's economic and military advantages.
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This document, page 4 of a report, outlines various methods China uses to exert influence within the United States across several sectors. It details China's efforts in American politics, on university campuses through Confucius Institutes and student associations, within think tanks, in business by leveraging market access, and in media by controlling Chinese-language outlets. The text highlights concerns about compromised academic freedom, restricted access for American researchers in China, and the use of economic pressure for political compliance.
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