| Connected Entity | Relationship Type |
Strength
(mentions)
|
Documents | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
|
organization
Department of Justice (DOJ)
|
Advisory lobbying |
9
Strong
|
1 | |
|
location
China
|
Unknown |
9
Strong
|
2 | |
|
person
President Johnson
|
Political opposition |
8
Strong
|
1 | |
|
person
President Grant
|
Separation of powers |
8
Strong
|
1 | |
|
organization
Chinese government
|
Target of influence operation |
7
|
1 | |
|
location
Taiwan
|
Unknown |
7
|
1 | |
|
organization
Department of Justice (DOJ)
|
Advisory legislative commentary |
7
|
1 | |
|
person
US congressional delegations
|
Visitor host |
7
|
1 | |
|
organization
MIT
|
Lobbying |
7
|
1 | |
|
person
Jimmy Carter
|
Governmental executive legislative communication |
7
|
1 | |
|
person
National Labor Relations Board (NLRB)
|
Delegation of authority |
6
|
1 | |
|
person
President Obama
|
Political adversarial |
6
|
1 | |
|
organization
Department of Justice (DOJ)
|
Adversarial collaborative |
6
|
1 | |
|
organization
Administration
|
Political alignment on china policy |
6
|
1 | |
|
organization
Chinese government
|
Target of influence |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
Senator Orrin G. Hatch
|
Correspondence |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
John D. Rockefeller IV
|
Correspondence |
5
|
1 | |
|
organization
Department of Justice (DOJ)
|
Unknown |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
Christine C. Quin
|
Guest of honor |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
President Carter
|
Executive legislative conflict |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
President Wilson
|
Executive legislative conflict |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
President Eisenhower
|
Executive legislative conflict |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
The President
|
Institutional conflict |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
President Grant
|
Constitutional opposition |
5
|
1 | |
|
person
President (Executive Branch)
|
Constitutional separation of powers |
5
|
1 |
| Date | Event Type | Description | Location | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N/A | N/A | The 'Blueprint' for tax reform was released by House Republicans shortly before Congress left for... | N/A | View |
| N/A | N/A | US Election (Trump and Republican Congress win) | USA | View |
| N/A | N/A | The Department of Justice's formal opposition to Sections 234 and 236 of a piece of proposed legi... | Not applicable | View |
| N/A | N/A | Planned discussions between the Administration (DHS, DOJ, HHS) and Congress regarding policies fo... | Not specified | View |
| N/A | N/A | The 'fiscal cliff', a pending crisis involving the expiration of Bush-era tax cuts and automatic ... | United States | View |
| N/A | N/A | DOJ objection to Section 107(a) of an Act, which would limit a country's time on the Tier II Watc... | N/A | View |
| N/A | N/A | Passage of the Tenure of Office Act over President Johnson's veto. | United States | View |
| N/A | N/A | The Tenure of Office Act was passed over President Johnson's veto. This act placed restrictions o... | United States | View |
| N/A | N/A | The fiscal year for which the Trump administration's first budget proposal and congressional budg... | USA | View |
| N/A | N/A | US Congress is in the midst of a major reevaluation of the American policy of 'engagement' with C... | United States | View |
| N/A | N/A | Expected timeframe for a focus on tax reform. | N/A | View |
| N/A | N/A | The Chinese government used various entities (CCP, CAIFU, CAIFC) and individuals (Jimmy Wong) to ... | China, United States | View |
| 2018-03-05 | N/A | Start of the Party Congress session to change the Constitution and lift term limits. | China | View |
| 2018-03-01 | N/A | Meeting of the National People's Congress | China | View |
| 2018-01-01 | N/A | The House China Working Group remained active, while the House Congressional China Caucus and the... | United States | View |
| 2018-01-01 | N/A | The US Congress unanimously passed the Taiwan Travel Act, which encourages the Trump administrati... | United States | View |
| 2017-01-01 | N/A | Year in which trade legislative issues were expected to figure prominently under the new administ... | United States | View |
| 2016-10-01 | N/A | Passage of the 9/11 Saudi bill | USA | View |
| 2016-09-01 | N/A | US Congress passed JASTA legislation overriding Presidential veto. | Washington D.C. | View |
| 2016-02-01 | N/A | Congress approved a customs reauthorization measure that made the Internet Tax Freedom Act perman... | United States | View |
| 2016-01-01 | N/A | 2016 lame-duck session of Congress, during which the fate of tax extenders would be decided. | N/A | View |
| 2015-01-01 | N/A | Passage of the Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) through Congress. | United States | View |
| 2015-01-01 | N/A | A bipartisan vote in Congress extended the Community Health Center Fund for two additional years ... | United States | View |
| 2014-02-13 | N/A | Military Times reported that the NSA informed Congress that Snowden had copied a co-worker's pass... | N/A | View |
| 2013-01-02 | N/A | Enactment of the American Taxpayer Relief Act of 2012 (ATRA), which made permanent most of the tr... | United States | View |
This document is page 54040 from the Federal Register, dated August 30, 2011, detailing a legal argument against a new rule by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). The author contends the NLRB overstepped its statutory authority, citing legal precedents on agency power and the 'arbitrary and capricious' standard. Despite the user's framing, this document is entirely about U.S. labor law and contains no information whatsoever related to Jeffrey Epstein, his associates, or any of their activities.
This document is a dissenting opinion from a Federal Register publication, arguing that the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) lacks the statutory authority to require employers to post notices of employee rights. The author contends that unlike other labor laws where Congress explicitly mandated such postings, the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) contains no such provision, and the Board's attempt to create one is an overreach of its authority.
This document is a page from the Federal Register dated August 30, 2011, detailing a final rule by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) regarding remedies for employers who fail to post notices of employee rights. The text addresses public comments on the proposed rule, clarifying that the remedies are not intended to be punitive, and includes a dissenting opinion from Board Member Brian E. Hayes who argues the NLRB is exceeding its statutory authority. The document is unrelated to Jeffrey Epstein; it is a legal and regulatory document concerning U.S. labor law.
This document is a page from the Federal Register dated August 30, 2011, detailing the National Labor Relations Board's (NLRB) rules regarding an employer's failure to post employee rights notices. It discusses why this failure is an unfair labor practice and justifies the equitable tolling of the six-month statute of limitations for filing charges when required notices are not posted. Despite the prompt's framing, the document's content is entirely about U.S. labor law and has no connection to Jeffrey Epstein; the footer 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022304' is a Bates number, likely indicating it was an exhibit in a congressional document production.
This document is a page from the Federal Register, dated August 30, 2011, in which the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) justifies its rule that an employer's failure to post a notice of employee rights is an unfair labor practice. The Board refutes arguments from various business and legal organizations that it is overstepping its authority, citing Supreme Court precedent for its interpretive flexibility and drawing parallels to similar notice requirements under the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA). The document is part of a legal and administrative record and is unrelated to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 54022 of the Federal Register from August 30, 2011, detailing a final rule from the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). It explains the Board's reasoning for the precise content of a mandatory workplace notice informing employees of their rights under the NLRA, including the right to unionize and the right to refrain from union activity. Despite the 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' footer and the prompt's framing, the document's text is exclusively about U.S. labor law and contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein or associated individuals.
This document is a page from the Federal Register dated August 30, 2011, not an Epstein-related document. It contains legal analysis by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) justifying a new rule that requires employers to post notices of employee rights under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). The Board refutes arguments against the rule's validity, citing Supreme Court precedents and changing unionization rates, and compares the NLRA to other labor statutes.
This document is a page from the Federal Register discussing the National Labor Relations Board's (NLRB) statutory authority to implement a rule requiring employers to post a notice of employee rights under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). The text argues that this rule is necessary to fill a statutory gap, especially as union density has declined, and falls within the Board's broad rulemaking authority under Section 6 of the NLRA. It refutes arguments that the Board's authority is limited by Sections 9 and 10 to actions taken only after a petition or charge has been filed.
This document from the Federal Register discusses the National Labor Relations Board's (NLRB) statutory authority to issue a rule requiring employers to post notices of employee rights under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). The Board refutes arguments that a high standard of "necessity" or "grave and immediate danger" is required, citing legal precedents like Chevron and AHA to justify its rulemaking power. The text concludes that the notice-posting rule is a legitimate exercise of authority because effective enforcement of the NLRA depends on employees being aware of their rights.
This document is a page from the Federal Register dated August 30, 2011, in which the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) legally defends its authority to issue legislative rules. The NLRB rebuts arguments from organizations like Americans for Limited Government by citing Supreme Court precedents, particularly the 'Mayo' case, which support broad rulemaking power for federal agencies. The document confirms the NLRB's position that it is empowered by Congress to be a rulemaking body, not just an enforcement agency. There is no mention of Jeffrey Epstein or any related topics.
This document is a page from the Federal Register dated August 30, 2011, detailing the National Labor Relations Board's (NLRB) legal justification for its rulemaking authority under the NLRA. It refutes comments from organizations opposing a proposed rule by citing numerous Supreme Court precedents that affirm broad rulemaking powers for federal agencies. This document is purely a legal and administrative text and contains no information whatsoever related to Jeffrey Epstein or any associated individuals.
This document is a page from the Federal Register, dated August 30, 2011, outlining the National Labor Relations Board's (NLRB) final rule requiring employers to post notices informing employees of their rights under the NLRA. It discusses the rule's legal basis, the public comment process that received over 7,000 submissions, and key changes made to the final rule. Though the prompt references Epstein, the content of this specific document is strictly about U.S. labor law and does not mention Jeffrey Epstein or any related individuals or events.
The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) issues a final rule, effective November 14, 2011, requiring employers subject to the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) to post notices informing employees of their rights under the Act. The Board states that many employees are unaware of their rights, and this rule is intended to increase that knowledge, enable the exercise of those rights, and promote statutory compliance. The document provides background on the NLRA and justifies the need for the rule by highlighting a "knowledge gap" among workers, especially given that there are very few circumstances where employers are currently required to provide this information.
This document outlines recommendations for the U.S. Congress regarding its approach to China. It advocates for promoting transparency through congressional oversight, integrity by distinguishing real threats like espionage from manageable issues like Confucius Institutes, and reciprocity by carefully considering the broader bilateral relationship and potential consequences before taking action. The page concludes with a detailed list of sources cited in the section.
This document, page 16 of a report from a House Oversight collection, analyzes the shifting perspective of the US Congress towards China around 2018. It highlights a growing bipartisan consensus, influenced by the Trump administration, to move away from a policy of 'engagement' to a more adversarial stance, citing events like the passage of the Taiwan Travel Act and debates over sanctions on the Chinese firm ZTE. Contrary to the user's prompt, this document contains no mention of or relation to Jeffrey Epstein; its content is exclusively focused on US-China political relations.
This document page discusses US-China relations in the post-9/11 era. It details an earlier incident of alleged espionage involving the organization CAIFC and a US official, and then describes how relations shifted, with increased pragmatic engagement, congressional trips to China, and the growth of organizations facilitating these exchanges. The text also covers China's expanded lobbying efforts in Washington and the US Congress's formation of groups to better understand China.
This document, page 14 of a House Oversight report, details Chinese government strategies to influence the U.S. Congress following the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown. It describes secret high-level US diplomatic trips to Beijing that angered Congress, and China's use of 'united front' organizations and operatives like Jimmy Wong to cultivate personal relationships. The text contrasts China's focus on person-to-person influence with the methods of Russia and the former Soviet Union.
This document, page 13 of a report labeled 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020472', details US congressional staff delegation trips to China, focusing on the period from 1989-2001. It identifies key US and Chinese organizations that facilitated these exchanges and describes how the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown disrupted this engagement, shifting China's strategy towards lobbying the US Congress. This document is about US-China relations and contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document details China's influence efforts directed at the U.S. Congress from 1979 to 1988, following the establishment of formal diplomatic relations. It describes how China, in response to pro-Taiwan lobbying, utilized organizations like the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs (CPIFA) to build relationships with congressional members and staff by hosting delegations in China. The text frames CPIFA as a "united front organization" or GONGO that carries out government-directed policies while appearing independent.
This document discusses congressional visits to China during the 1970s, highlighting their role in improving Sino-American relations from the Chinese perspective. It focuses on the influential role of Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield, who, contrary to many of his colleagues, advocated for rapidly normalizing relations with Beijing and ending ties with Taiwan. Mansfield's reports, which were largely favorable to the Maoist regime and its suitability for the Chinese people, helped to counter skepticism and criticism within the US government.
This document excerpt discusses the historical context of US-China relations, focusing on the role of the US Congress. It highlights congressional resistance to White House policies regarding China, Chinese influence efforts on Congress, and congressional visits to China between 1972 and 1977 as a key channel of communication during a period when high-level executive communication was limited. The text also touches on US perceptions of China's strategic position relative to the Soviet Union and the impedance of the Taiwan question.
This document section details a significant shift in US policy toward China, moving from a position of "engagement" to a more confrontational stance. Initially led by the US Congress and later embraced by the Trump administration and various government agencies, this change was a response to concerns over China's nonreciprocal trade practices, military expansion in the South China Sea, and influence operations. The text highlights legislative actions like the 2019 National Defense Authorization Act and the FIRMMA of 2018 as key components of this new, more skeptical approach to US-China relations.
This document, titled "Policy Principles for Constructive Vigilance," outlines principles proposed by a Working Group to protect American institutions from Chinese interference while maintaining a productive relationship. The primary principle discussed is transparency, which involves actions by NGOs, Congress, executive agencies, the media, and universities to investigate, monitor, and report on Chinese influence activities. These measures are intended to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate influence and strengthen protections against manipulation by outside actors.
This document is the table of contents for a report titled 'Policy Principles for Constructive Vigilance', focusing on Chinese influence operations across various sectors and countries. The footer 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020454' suggests it is an exhibit from a congressional committee. The document itself contains no information, names, or events related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is an email from Alexandra V. Preate, CEO of CapitalHQ, discussing trends in political advertising. It states that data from CMAG Kantar Media indicates pro-Trump messages are the most common element of GOP ads for the year, followed by mentions of the prior year's tax cut. The email, which includes a standard confidentiality notice and a document control number from a House Oversight collection, does not contain any information related to Jeffrey Epstein.
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