| Connected Entity | Relationship Type |
Strength
(mentions)
|
Documents | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
|
person
GHISLAINE MAXWELL
|
Legal representative |
32
Very Strong
|
72 | |
|
person
Jeffrey Epstein
|
Legal representative |
13
Very Strong
|
10 | |
|
person
Epstein
|
Legal representative |
13
Very Strong
|
19 | |
|
person
MAXWELL
|
Legal representative |
12
Very Strong
|
9 | |
|
organization
Iran
|
Adversarial |
10
Very Strong
|
7 | |
|
person
Davis
|
Legal representative |
10
Very Strong
|
5 | |
|
person
Bodmer
|
Legal representative |
10
Very Strong
|
5 | |
|
person
Dreier
|
Legal representative |
10
Very Strong
|
4 | |
|
person
English
|
Legal representative |
10
Very Strong
|
4 | |
|
person
Boustani
|
Legal representative |
10
Very Strong
|
5 | |
|
person
Torres
|
Legal representative |
10
Very Strong
|
4 | |
|
location
China
|
Unknown |
10
Very Strong
|
4 | |
|
person
Smith
|
Legal representative |
9
Strong
|
5 | |
|
person
Ms. Maxwell
|
Legal representative |
9
Strong
|
4 | |
|
location
China
|
Geopolitical rivals |
9
Strong
|
2 | |
|
person
Sampson
|
Legal representative |
8
Strong
|
4 | |
|
person
Carrillo-Villa
|
Legal representative |
8
Strong
|
2 | |
|
person
Petrov
|
Legal representative |
8
Strong
|
3 | |
|
person
Dominguez
|
Legal representative |
8
Strong
|
2 | |
|
person
Hung
|
Legal representative |
8
Strong
|
2 | |
|
person
Abdellatif El Mokadem
|
Legal representative |
8
Strong
|
2 | |
|
person
Rowe
|
Legal representative |
8
Strong
|
3 | |
|
person
Alindato-Perez
|
Legal representative |
8
Strong
|
2 | |
|
person
Crowell
|
Legal representative |
8
Strong
|
2 | |
|
person
Deutsch
|
Legal representative |
8
Strong
|
2 |
| Date | Event Type | Description | Location | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N/A | N/A | Modification of the Non-Prosecution Agreement | United States | View |
| N/A | N/A | Discussion of the Syrian situation, including the legitimacy of Mr. Assad, international response... | Global political context, U... | View |
| N/A | N/A | Clarification of provisions in paragraph 7 of the Non-Prosecution Agreement regarding the selecti... | N/A | View |
| N/A | N/A | Assignment of Independent Third-Party | N/A | View |
| N/A | N/A | Non-prosecution agreement (NPA) intended for broad, complete resolution of matters, including Eps... | N/A | View |
| N/A | N/A | Non-Prosecution Agreement (NPA) entered into by the United States Attorney's Office, Southern Dis... | Southern District of Florida | View |
| N/A | N/A | Agreement regarding Epstein's charges, sentencing, and victim representation. Includes terms for ... | N/A | View |
| N/A | N/A | War with Iran / U.S.-led attack | Iran | View |
| N/A | N/A | Negotiation and execution of a plea agreement | Eleventh Circuit | View |
| N/A | N/A | Cold War | Global | View |
| N/A | N/A | Non-Prosecution Agreement execution | Unspecified | View |
| N/A | N/A | Epstein agrees to plea deal (NPA) for 18 months imprisonment. | Florida | View |
| N/A | N/A | Potential Iranian nuclear targeting of US logistics hubs. | Middle East / Bahrain | View |
| N/A | N/A | Selection of attorney representative for victims | Unspecified | View |
| N/A | N/A | Public protests and Mubarak's time of need | Cairo, Egypt | View |
| N/A | N/A | Suspension of federal Grand Jury investigation. | N/A | View |
| N/A | N/A | US shipment of battery-operated TV sets to Pacific islands. | Pacific Ocean islands | View |
| N/A | N/A | Hypothetical conflict/coalition warfare between US and Iran | Middle East | View |
| N/A | N/A | Potential U.S. attack on Iran | Iran | View |
| N/A | N/A | Suspension of federal Grand Jury investigation | Federal Court | View |
| N/A | N/A | Proposed peace conference to address the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. | U.S. | View |
| N/A | N/A | Palestinian bid for full U.N. membership. | United Nations | View |
| N/A | N/A | United States' decision to pursue warmer ties with Tehran. | International | View |
| N/A | Legal case | United States v. Rodriguez, Case No. 9:09-mj-08308-LRJ | N/A | View |
| N/A | Non-prosecution agreement | Epstein agreed to a sentence of eighteen months' imprisonment on two charges, and in return, the ... | N/A | View |
This document, page 16 of a report from a House Oversight collection, analyzes the shifting perspective of the US Congress towards China around 2018. It highlights a growing bipartisan consensus, influenced by the Trump administration, to move away from a policy of 'engagement' to a more adversarial stance, citing events like the passage of the Taiwan Travel Act and debates over sanctions on the Chinese firm ZTE. Contrary to the user's prompt, this document contains no mention of or relation to Jeffrey Epstein; its content is exclusively focused on US-China political relations.
This document, page 14 of a House Oversight report, details Chinese government strategies to influence the U.S. Congress following the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown. It describes secret high-level US diplomatic trips to Beijing that angered Congress, and China's use of 'united front' organizations and operatives like Jimmy Wong to cultivate personal relationships. The text contrasts China's focus on person-to-person influence with the methods of Russia and the former Soviet Union.
This document, page 13 of a report labeled 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020472', details US congressional staff delegation trips to China, focusing on the period from 1989-2001. It identifies key US and Chinese organizations that facilitated these exchanges and describes how the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown disrupted this engagement, shifting China's strategy towards lobbying the US Congress. This document is about US-China relations and contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document details China's influence efforts directed at the U.S. Congress from 1979 to 1988, following the establishment of formal diplomatic relations. It describes how China, in response to pro-Taiwan lobbying, utilized organizations like the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs (CPIFA) to build relationships with congressional members and staff by hosting delegations in China. The text frames CPIFA as a "united front organization" or GONGO that carries out government-directed policies while appearing independent.
This document discusses congressional visits to China during the 1970s, highlighting their role in improving Sino-American relations from the Chinese perspective. It focuses on the influential role of Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield, who, contrary to many of his colleagues, advocated for rapidly normalizing relations with Beijing and ending ties with Taiwan. Mansfield's reports, which were largely favorable to the Maoist regime and its suitability for the Chinese people, helped to counter skepticism and criticism within the US government.
This document excerpt discusses the historical context of US-China relations, focusing on the role of the US Congress. It highlights congressional resistance to White House policies regarding China, Chinese influence efforts on Congress, and congressional visits to China between 1972 and 1977 as a key channel of communication during a period when high-level executive communication was limited. The text also touches on US perceptions of China's strategic position relative to the Soviet Union and the impedance of the Taiwan question.
This document section details a significant shift in US policy toward China, moving from a position of "engagement" to a more confrontational stance. Initially led by the US Congress and later embraced by the Trump administration and various government agencies, this change was a response to concerns over China's nonreciprocal trade practices, military expansion in the South China Sea, and influence operations. The text highlights legislative actions like the 2019 National Defense Authorization Act and the FIRMMA of 2018 as key components of this new, more skeptical approach to US-China relations.
This document is page 7 of a report, likely from the House Oversight Committee, identified by the Bates number HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020466. It is a 'Notes' section citing various sources from 2017-2018 concerning China's foreign political influence, interference operations, and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This document contains no information, names, or events related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 6 of a policy report, identified by 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020465', which outlines recommendations for the U.S. response to China's influence activities. The report advocates for greater transparency, integrity, and reciprocity, suggesting a strategy of 'constructive vigilance' to protect American institutions and create a fairer relationship. The document does not contain any information, names, or events related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 5 of a report, identified as 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020464', and is not related to Jeffrey Epstein. It analyzes China's influence-seeking activities in the United States and other Western countries, focusing on media censorship, pressure campaigns against the Chinese American community, and the misappropriation of technology from US companies and universities. The report frames these activities as a significant and growing threat to America's economic and military advantages.
This document, page 4 of a report, outlines various methods China uses to exert influence within the United States across several sectors. It details China's efforts in American politics, on university campuses through Confucius Institutes and student associations, within think tanks, in business by leveraging market access, and in media by controlling Chinese-language outlets. The text highlights concerns about compromised academic freedom, restricted access for American researchers in China, and the use of economic pressure for political compliance.
This document is page 3 of a report detailing China's extensive and well-funded influence operations in the United States, which are described as more resourceful and embedded than Russia's. It identifies the key state and party organizations responsible, such as the United Front Work Department, and notes a March 2018 consolidation of power within this department. The document is part of a collection labeled 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' but contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein or his associates.
This document describes the complex relationship between the United States and China, acknowledging the mutual economic and social benefits while highlighting the growing imbalance. It argues that China, defined as the Chinese Communist Party and its government, exploits the openness of American society through opaque "sharp power" influence activities to advance its own interests. These activities target various sectors of American society and undermine democratic norms, creating a non-reciprocal dynamic where American institutions are impeded from engaging with Chinese society.
This document is the introduction to a report, likely from the House Oversight Committee, analyzing the shift in China's foreign policy under Xi Jinping since 2012. It describes China's move from a 'peaceful development' approach to a more assertive strategy involving 'covert, coercive or corrupting' influence operations targeting U.S. institutions. Contrary to the user's prompt, this document contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein or any associated individuals or events.
This document outlines a policy of reciprocity in US-China relations, highlighting the asymmetry in access between the two nations. It notes that American scholars, diplomats, and NGOs face significant restrictions in China, while their Chinese counterparts enjoy open access in the US. The text calls for American institutions to demand greater reciprocity and for the US government to promote and protect opportunities for American actors in China.
This document is a page from a policy report, likely for a U.S. House Oversight committee, titled 'Policy Principles for Constructive Vigilance.' It outlines recommendations for U.S. institutions to counter foreign influence, particularly from China, by increasing oversight of Confucius Institutes, disclosing foreign funding, and establishing a 'Code of Conduct.' Crucially, the document is about US-China policy and contains no information whatsoever related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document, titled "Policy Principles for Constructive Vigilance," outlines principles proposed by a Working Group to protect American institutions from Chinese interference while maintaining a productive relationship. The primary principle discussed is transparency, which involves actions by NGOs, Congress, executive agencies, the media, and universities to investigate, monitor, and report on Chinese influence activities. These measures are intended to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate influence and strengthen protections against manipulation by outside actors.
This document is the acknowledgments page from a report analyzing China's influence-seeking activities in the United States. It lists the individuals and institutions that convened, supported, and contributed to the report, including the Hoover Institution, the Asia Society, and The Annenberg Foundation Trust. The document is marked 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020452', suggesting it is part of a congressional record, but it contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is the cover page for a report titled 'Chinese Influence & American Interests' published by the Hoover Institution Press. The report is from the 'Working Group on Chinese Influence Activities in the United States' and was co-chaired by Larry Diamond of the Hoover Institution and Orville Schell of the Asia Society. Despite the request's premise, this document contains no information, names, or details related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 277 from a book, containing endnotes for 'Chapter Twenty-Seven: The Handler'. The citations are primarily related to Edward Snowden, referencing interviews and articles from 2013, and also cite Edward Jay Epstein's book 'Annals of Unsolved Crime'. The page provides historical context by listing 15 American defectors to the Soviet Union during the Cold War, including Lee Harvey Oswald.
This document is a page of citations from a report, likely from a House Oversight committee, referencing various articles, interviews, and publications from 2012-2015. The content exclusively concerns Edward Snowden, the NSA leaks, and the journalists involved, such as filmmaker Laura Poitras. Despite the user's query, this document contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 234 from a collection labeled 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT'. It contains a single URL pointing to an April 2015 article from TheJournal.ie concerning Edward Snowden and claims about US surveillance. The document itself contains no other information and does not mention Jeffrey Epstein or related individuals.
This document is page 230 of a larger report, likely from the House Oversight committee, and consists entirely of endnotes or citations. The citations reference news articles, government hearings, books, and legal filings from 2013 to 2017, all focused on the national security implications of the Edward Snowden leaks. The document contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is a legal analysis discussing the U.S. President's executive power in relation to enforcing laws believed to be unconstitutional. It summarizes a 1985 Congressional Research Service memorandum and five Supreme Court cases (from 1926-1991) that illustrate historical conflicts between the executive and legislative branches. Despite the user's query identifying it as 'Epstein-related', the text of this specific page contains no information about Jeffrey Epstein, his associates, or related matters.
This document is a legal and historical memorandum, identified by the footer 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012392', which compiles precedents regarding the separation of powers within the U.S. government. It cites historical statements, letters, and congressional reports to explore the President's authority to challenge or refuse to implement legislation deemed unconstitutional. The document contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein or any associated individuals or events.
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