| Connected Entity | Relationship Type |
Strength
(mentions)
|
Documents | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
|
location
United States
|
Unknown |
10
Very Strong
|
4 | |
|
organization
Congress
|
Unknown |
9
Strong
|
2 | |
|
location
United States
|
Geopolitical rivals |
9
Strong
|
2 | |
|
location
Russia
|
Technology licensing |
7
|
1 | |
|
person
Chinese-language media outlets
|
Unknown |
7
|
1 | |
|
person
President Trump
|
Political economic adversary |
7
|
1 | |
|
person
American federal and state politics
|
Unknown |
7
|
1 | |
|
person
its companies
|
Unknown |
7
|
1 | |
|
person
American scholars and researchers
|
Unknown |
7
|
1 | |
|
organization
Google
|
Business associate |
6
|
1 | |
|
person
Working Group
|
Unknown |
6
|
1 | |
|
person
Donald Trump Administration
|
Unknown |
6
|
1 | |
|
location
the west
|
Geopolitical cooperation |
6
|
1 | |
|
person
Mr. Trump
|
Adversarial economic |
6
|
1 | |
|
location
United States
|
Adversarial competitive |
6
|
1 | |
|
organization
EDF
|
Unknown |
6
|
1 | |
|
person
North Korea/Pakistan/Iran/Russia
|
Intelligence sharing |
6
|
1 | |
|
person
Russia
|
Intelligence ally |
6
|
1 | |
|
person
Russia
|
Intelligence alliance |
6
|
1 | |
|
person
Russia
|
Strategic emulation |
6
|
1 | |
|
person
Russia
|
Political alliance |
6
|
2 | |
|
location
Russia
|
Alliance treaty |
6
|
1 | |
|
location
United States
|
Espionage target |
5
|
1 | |
|
organization
Iran
|
Diplomatic political |
5
|
1 | |
|
location
North America
|
Geopolitical rivals |
5
|
1 |
| Date | Event Type | Description | Location | Actions |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N/A | N/A | UN Vetoes (implied context) | UN (implied) | View |
| N/A | N/A | China arranges for a $46 billion investment in pipelines in Pakistan | Pakistan | View |
| N/A | N/A | The document discusses general and ongoing 'coercive and covert activities by China' and 'efforts... | United States | View |
| N/A | N/A | Syrian Crisis | Syria | View |
| N/A | N/A | China's unexpected RMB devaluation. | China | View |
| N/A | N/A | Discussion of the Syrian situation, including the legitimacy of Mr. Assad, international response... | Global political context, U... | View |
| N/A | N/A | Scheduled trade talks | Unknown | View |
| N/A | N/A | China projecting friendliness toward Malaysia. | Malaysia | View |
| N/A | N/A | Intensification of the trade war between the United States and China. | N/A | View |
| N/A | N/A | Implementation of U.S. Tariffs on China on various goods (food, electronics, materials) | Global/International Trade | View |
| N/A | N/A | Peacekeeping dispatches and naval port visits | The Gulf / Region | View |
| 2025-12-23 | N/A | China hit U.S. with $60 bn worth of tariffs | Global/Trade | View |
| 2025-11-21 | N/A | U.S. and China agree to pause trade war | Unknown | View |
| 2025-11-19 | N/A | Opium Wars | China | View |
| 2025-11-17 | N/A | Russian and Chinese veto of a Franco-British resolution on Syria at the UN Security Council. | UN Security Council | View |
| 2025-11-17 | N/A | U.S. slapped $200 bn worth of tariffs on China | Global/Economic | View |
| 2025-11-01 | N/A | Establishment of the East China Sea ADIZ by China | East China Sea | View |
| 2018-09-24 | N/A | US imposes 10% tariffs on $200bn, China retaliates | US/China | View |
| 2018-07-06 | N/A | US implements $34bn sanctions on China, which retaliates | US/China | View |
| 2018-06-18 | N/A | Tariffs on additional $200bn of Chinese goods announced | US | View |
| 2018-03-23 | N/A | US implements metal tariffs on China, which retaliates | US/China | View |
| 2018-03-22 | N/A | Tariffs on $50bn of Chinese goods announced | US | View |
| 2017-06-27 | N/A | US Dept of State releases annual Trafficking in Persons Report putting China at Tier 3. | United States | View |
| 2017-01-01 | N/A | Release of the seized APCs. | China | View |
| 2016-12-19 | N/A | Potential trilateral summit (Tentative) | Not specified | View |
This document outlines recommendations for the U.S. Congress regarding its approach to China. It advocates for promoting transparency through congressional oversight, integrity by distinguishing real threats like espionage from manageable issues like Confucius Institutes, and reciprocity by carefully considering the broader bilateral relationship and potential consequences before taking action. The page concludes with a detailed list of sources cited in the section.
This document, page 16 of a report from a House Oversight collection, analyzes the shifting perspective of the US Congress towards China around 2018. It highlights a growing bipartisan consensus, influenced by the Trump administration, to move away from a policy of 'engagement' to a more adversarial stance, citing events like the passage of the Taiwan Travel Act and debates over sanctions on the Chinese firm ZTE. Contrary to the user's prompt, this document contains no mention of or relation to Jeffrey Epstein; its content is exclusively focused on US-China political relations.
This document page discusses US-China relations in the post-9/11 era. It details an earlier incident of alleged espionage involving the organization CAIFC and a US official, and then describes how relations shifted, with increased pragmatic engagement, congressional trips to China, and the growth of organizations facilitating these exchanges. The text also covers China's expanded lobbying efforts in Washington and the US Congress's formation of groups to better understand China.
This document, page 14 of a House Oversight report, details Chinese government strategies to influence the U.S. Congress following the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown. It describes secret high-level US diplomatic trips to Beijing that angered Congress, and China's use of 'united front' organizations and operatives like Jimmy Wong to cultivate personal relationships. The text contrasts China's focus on person-to-person influence with the methods of Russia and the former Soviet Union.
This document, page 13 of a report labeled 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020472', details US congressional staff delegation trips to China, focusing on the period from 1989-2001. It identifies key US and Chinese organizations that facilitated these exchanges and describes how the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown disrupted this engagement, shifting China's strategy towards lobbying the US Congress. This document is about US-China relations and contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document details China's influence efforts directed at the U.S. Congress from 1979 to 1988, following the establishment of formal diplomatic relations. It describes how China, in response to pro-Taiwan lobbying, utilized organizations like the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs (CPIFA) to build relationships with congressional members and staff by hosting delegations in China. The text frames CPIFA as a "united front organization" or GONGO that carries out government-directed policies while appearing independent.
This document discusses congressional visits to China during the 1970s, highlighting their role in improving Sino-American relations from the Chinese perspective. It focuses on the influential role of Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield, who, contrary to many of his colleagues, advocated for rapidly normalizing relations with Beijing and ending ties with Taiwan. Mansfield's reports, which were largely favorable to the Maoist regime and its suitability for the Chinese people, helped to counter skepticism and criticism within the US government.
This document excerpt discusses the historical context of US-China relations, focusing on the role of the US Congress. It highlights congressional resistance to White House policies regarding China, Chinese influence efforts on Congress, and congressional visits to China between 1972 and 1977 as a key channel of communication during a period when high-level executive communication was limited. The text also touches on US perceptions of China's strategic position relative to the Soviet Union and the impedance of the Taiwan question.
This document section details a significant shift in US policy toward China, moving from a position of "engagement" to a more confrontational stance. Initially led by the US Congress and later embraced by the Trump administration and various government agencies, this change was a response to concerns over China's nonreciprocal trade practices, military expansion in the South China Sea, and influence operations. The text highlights legislative actions like the 2019 National Defense Authorization Act and the FIRMMA of 2018 as key components of this new, more skeptical approach to US-China relations.
This document is page 7 of a report, likely from the House Oversight Committee, identified by the Bates number HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020466. It is a 'Notes' section citing various sources from 2017-2018 concerning China's foreign political influence, interference operations, and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This document contains no information, names, or events related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 6 of a policy report, identified by 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020465', which outlines recommendations for the U.S. response to China's influence activities. The report advocates for greater transparency, integrity, and reciprocity, suggesting a strategy of 'constructive vigilance' to protect American institutions and create a fairer relationship. The document does not contain any information, names, or events related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 5 of a report, identified as 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020464', and is not related to Jeffrey Epstein. It analyzes China's influence-seeking activities in the United States and other Western countries, focusing on media censorship, pressure campaigns against the Chinese American community, and the misappropriation of technology from US companies and universities. The report frames these activities as a significant and growing threat to America's economic and military advantages.
This document, page 4 of a report, outlines various methods China uses to exert influence within the United States across several sectors. It details China's efforts in American politics, on university campuses through Confucius Institutes and student associations, within think tanks, in business by leveraging market access, and in media by controlling Chinese-language outlets. The text highlights concerns about compromised academic freedom, restricted access for American researchers in China, and the use of economic pressure for political compliance.
This document is page 3 of a report detailing China's extensive and well-funded influence operations in the United States, which are described as more resourceful and embedded than Russia's. It identifies the key state and party organizations responsible, such as the United Front Work Department, and notes a March 2018 consolidation of power within this department. The document is part of a collection labeled 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT' but contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein or his associates.
This document describes the complex relationship between the United States and China, acknowledging the mutual economic and social benefits while highlighting the growing imbalance. It argues that China, defined as the Chinese Communist Party and its government, exploits the openness of American society through opaque "sharp power" influence activities to advance its own interests. These activities target various sectors of American society and undermine democratic norms, creating a non-reciprocal dynamic where American institutions are impeded from engaging with Chinese society.
This document is the introduction to a report, likely from the House Oversight Committee, analyzing the shift in China's foreign policy under Xi Jinping since 2012. It describes China's move from a 'peaceful development' approach to a more assertive strategy involving 'covert, coercive or corrupting' influence operations targeting U.S. institutions. Contrary to the user's prompt, this document contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein or any associated individuals or events.
This document outlines a policy of reciprocity in US-China relations, highlighting the asymmetry in access between the two nations. It notes that American scholars, diplomats, and NGOs face significant restrictions in China, while their Chinese counterparts enjoy open access in the US. The text calls for American institutions to demand greater reciprocity and for the US government to promote and protect opportunities for American actors in China.
This document is a page from a policy report, likely for a U.S. House Oversight committee, titled 'Policy Principles for Constructive Vigilance.' It outlines recommendations for U.S. institutions to counter foreign influence, particularly from China, by increasing oversight of Confucius Institutes, disclosing foreign funding, and establishing a 'Code of Conduct.' Crucially, the document is about US-China policy and contains no information whatsoever related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document, titled "Policy Principles for Constructive Vigilance," outlines principles proposed by a Working Group to protect American institutions from Chinese interference while maintaining a productive relationship. The primary principle discussed is transparency, which involves actions by NGOs, Congress, executive agencies, the media, and universities to investigate, monitor, and report on Chinese influence activities. These measures are intended to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate influence and strengthen protections against manipulation by outside actors.
This document is the acknowledgments page from a report analyzing China's influence-seeking activities in the United States. It lists the individuals and institutions that convened, supported, and contributed to the report, including the Hoover Institution, the Asia Society, and The Annenberg Foundation Trust. The document is marked 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020452', suggesting it is part of a congressional record, but it contains no information related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is a list of participants in a foreign policy working group, detailing their names and professional affiliations. The discussions for the group's report took place at the Hoover Institution, Sunnylands, and George Washington University. Despite being labeled as 'Epstein-related', this specific document contains no discernible information, names, or events connected to Jeffrey Epstein or his associates.
This document is the cover of a report titled 'Chinese Influence & American Interests: Promoting Constructive Vigilance', published by the Hoover Institution. The document is marked with an identifier 'HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020447', suggesting it may be an exhibit from a congressional committee file. The content of the document cover itself does not contain any direct information, names, dates, or details related to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 280 from a book or report, containing citations for a chapter titled 'The Whistle-Blower Who Became an Espionage Source'. The citations reference articles and interviews related to Edward Snowden, Donald Rumsfeld, and espionage, with sources including The Guardian, UPI, and Wired. The document has no discernible connection to Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 278 from a book, specifically the endnotes for 'Chapter Twenty-Eight: Snowden's Choices'. It contains a list of citations for information about Edward Snowden, referencing interviews, news articles from 2013-2015, and other texts. Critically, this document is about Edward Snowden and is not an 'Epstein-related document'; it contains no information about Jeffrey Epstein.
This document is page 261 of a larger work, likely a report or book, and contains endnotes or citations. The citations reference three articles from 2013 and 2015 concerning national security topics, such as NSA surveillance and British spies. The document also cites an anonymous interview with a National Security Council staff member. There is no mention of Jeffrey Epstein or any related individuals or topics in the text of this specific document.
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